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DIARY   AND   CORRESPONDENCE 

OF 

COUNT     AXEL     FERSEN 


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OLD   FRENCH  COURT   MEMOIRS 

VLAXf  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

(COUNTj^AXEL  FEIISEN 


RELATING  TO 

THE  COURT  OF   FRANCE 


TRANSLATED    ST  KATHARINE    PRX8O0TT    WORM  EI.  ET 
ILLUSTRATED  WITH  PORTRAITS  FROM  THE  ORIGINAL 


VOLUME    VIII 


NEW    YORK 

BRENTANO'S 

PUBLISHERS 


r  d3& 


Copyright,  1902 
By  Hardy,  Pratt  &  Company 

All  Rights  Reserved 


Printed  in  the 
United  States  of  America 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I.  —1755-1780. 

Page 
Introductory.  —  Count  Fersen's  first  and  second  Visit  to  the  French 
Court. — The   Dauphine  and   Queen,  Marie-Antoinette.  —  Fersen 
joins  the  French  Expedition  to  America  as  Aide-de-camp  to  the 
Comte  de  Rochambeau 1 

CHAPTER  II.  — 1780-1782. 

Letters  of  Count  Axel  Fersen  to  his  Father,  Field-Marshal  Fersen, 
during  the  French  War  in  North  America  in  aid  of  the  Indepen- 
dence of  the  United  States 21 


CHAPTER  ni.  — 1783-1791. 

Return  to  France.  —  Confidential  mission  of  Count  Fersen  to  the  French 
Court  from  King  Gustavus  III.  —  Letters  to  his  father  and  the 
King  of  Sweden  on  the  political  aspects  of  France  at  the  opening 
of  the  Revolution.  —  The  Emigration  begins  in  July,  1789     ...      65 

CHAPTER  IV.— 1791. 

Preparations  for  the  Departure  of  the  King  and  Royal  Family  from  Paris. 
—  The  King  has  a  settled  Plan  not  fully  revealed.  —  Safe  Departure 
from  Paris  driven  by  Count  Fersen.  —  The  Stoppage  at  Varennes.      91 

CHAPTER  V.  — 1791. 

Vain  efforts  to  induce  the  European  Powers  to  take  steps  in  behalf  of 
the  King  and  Queen  of  France.  —  Gallant  Proposal  of  Gustavus 

IH„  King  of  Sweden 119 

Ver.  8  1  Mem. 


VI  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  VI.  — 1791. 

Correspondence  of  Qneen  Marie-Antoinette  with  Count  Fersen. — 
Official  Letters  of  the  same  Period,  showing  the  vain  Efforts  em- 
ployed to  induce  the  Powers  to  act  in  behalf  of  the  King  of  France 
and  his  Family 144 

CHAPTER  VII.  — 1791. 

The  same  continued.  —  Efforts  to  obtain  a  Congress.  —  Memorial  of 
Count  Fersen  to  the  Queen,  explaining  the  political  Situation  of  the 
Powers  and  advising  a  Course  of  Action  for  the  King  and  Queen 
of  France 175 

CHAPTER  VIII.  — 1791-1792. 

Proposal  of  the  Kiug  of  Sweden  to  rescue  the  King  and  Queen  of 
France  declined  by  the  King.  —  Louis  XVI.  compelled  to  declare 
war  against  the  Princes  of  Germany.  —  Further  Negotiations  for  a 
Congress 206 

CHAPTER  IX.— 1792. 

Count  Fersen's  Diary.  —  His  fruitless  Mission  to  the  King  and  Queen  in 
Paris.  —  Death  of  the  Emperor  Leopold.  —  Death  of  Gustavus  III., 
King  of  Sweden.  —  Advance  and  repulse  of  the  French  army  under 
the  Comte  de  Rochambeau.  —  Efforts  to  induce  England  to  assist 
in  the  rescue  of  the  King  and  Queen.  —  The  10th  of  August.  — 
Imprisonment  of  the  Royal  Family  in  the  Temple.  —  Fatal  retreat 
of  the  Dake  of  Brunswick.  —  The  Due  de  Choiseul's  Account  of 
August  10th,  and  of  the  Stoppage  at  Varennes 242 

CHAPTER  X.— 1792-1793. 

Diary  continued.  —  Battle  of  Jemmapes.  —  Evacuation  of  Brussels  and 
Flight  of  the  Austrians  and  Emigres.  —  Trial  and  Execution  of 
Louis  XVI.  —  Dumouriez  proposes  to  the  Prince  de  Coburg  to  dash 
on  Paris  with  fifty  thousand  Men  and  rescue  the  Queen.  —  Scheme 
defeated  by  Dumouriez's  Army  revolting  against  him.  —  The  Queen 
removed  to  the  Conciergerie.  —  Last  fruitless  Efforts  of  her  few 
faithful  Friends.  —  Her  Death 278 


CONTENTS.  Vll 

CHAPTER  XI.  — 1792. 

Correspondence  of  Count  Fersen  with  the  King  of  Sweden  until  his 
Death,  and  with  Queen  Marie-Antoinette  until  the  10th  of  August, 
1792,  when  the  Royal  Family  were  imprisoned  in  the  Tower  of  the 
Temple,  and  all  written  Communication  with  them  ceased.  —  Brief 
Statement  of  Count  Fersen's  After-life  and  of  his  Death,  June  20, 
1810 304 


APPENDIXES. 


Letter  from  Count  Fersen  to  Baron  Taube,  November  19,  1792. — 
Letter  from  the  Archbishop  of  Tours  to  Count  Fersen  describing 
the  death  of  Louis  XVI 347, 349 


LIST  OF 
PHOTOGRAVURE    ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Count  Axel  Fersen Frontispiece 

From  a  miniature,  painted  in  Paris,  belonging  to  the  Comtesee 
Louise  Gyldenstolpe,  nee  Fersen. 

Chapteb  Page 

I.     Marie-Antoinette,  Dauphins 8 

By  Duplessis ;  Maltres  Anciens. 

II.     General  Comte  de  Rochambeau 57 

From  a  print. 

V.     Dcchebse  de  Polignac 130 

By  Mme.  Vigee  Le  Brun ;  Maltres  du  XIX  Siecle. 

VM.     Gustavo  8  III.,  King  of  Sweden 206 

Portrait  of  the  time.    Engraved  by  Girardet. 

IX.     Princesse  de  Lamballe 254 

By  Rioult  (Louis-Edouard)  Versailles. 

X.    Queen  Marie-Antoinette 274 

Sketch  by  Mme.  Vigee  Le  Bran  ;  Maitres  du  XIX  Siecle. 


FAC-SIMILE  LETTERS 

Marie-Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen,  Dec.  28,  1791,  Written  in 
White  Ink  and  Addressed  on  the  Outside  to  Monsieur 
L'Abbe  de  Beauterin 223 

Marie-Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen,  Jan.  4,  1792 225 


DIARY   AND    CORRESPONDENCE 


OF 


COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN. 


CHAPTER  I. 


1755-1780.  Introductory.  —  Count  Fersen's  first  and  second  Visit  to  the 
French  Court.  —  The  Dauphine  and  Queen,  Marie-Antoinette. — Fersen 
joins  the  French  Expedition  to  America  as  Aide-de-camp  to  the  Comte 
de  Rochambeau. 

The  Diary  of  Count  Axel  Fersen  was  not  intended  for 
publication.  It  is  a  collection  of  notes  written  daily  to  aid 
his  memory  from  1780  to  1810,  the  year  of  his  death.  He 
mentions  with  deep  regret,  in  a  letter  to  his  intimate  friend 
Baron  Taube,  that  the  portion  from  1780  to  1791,  was 
destroyed  in  Paris  in  1791,  as  a  matter  of  precaution,  by  the 
friend  in  whose  care  he  had  left  it  at  the  time  of  the  flight 
to  Varennes.  A  precious  record  was  thus  lost  of  Louis  XVI. 
and  Marie-Antoinette  during  their  last  years  of  peace  and 
the  first  years  of  the  Revolution,  written  by  one  who  judged 
them  nobly,  and  apart  from  the  vile  prejudices  and  jealousies 
of  their  Court.  But  enough  remains  to  form  a  connecting 
thread  for  his  valuable  and  interesting  Correspondence. 

These  letters,  papers,  and  documents  are  in  the  possession 
of  Count  Fersen's  family,  and  the  parts  concerning  his  con- 
nection with  the  Court  of  France  were  published  by  his 


2  DIARY  AND   CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  i. 

great-nephew,  Baron  Klinckowstrb'm,  in  1878  (Paris,  Firmin- 
Didot  and  Co.),  from  wlrich  edition  this  translation  is  made. 
The  sketch  of  Count  Fersen's  life,  which  begins  the  present 
volume  and  is  continued  now  and  then  through  the  course 
of  it  for  the  purpose  of  elucidating  the  diary  and  correspon- 
dence, is  taken  chiefly  from  the  anonymous  Introduction  to 
the  French  edition,  with  a  few  comments  from  other  sources 
which  will  be  named  as  they  occur. 

Count  Jean  Axel  Fersen  was  born  September  4,  1755,  of  a 
noble  Swedish  family  distinguished  in  war  by  three  field- 
marshals.  He  was  the  son  of  Field-marshal  Frederick  Axel 
Fersen,  the  eloquent  leader  of  the  political  party  called 
"Les  Chapeaux,"  which,  in  harmony  with  France,  followed 
a  steady  course  of  liberal  opposition.  Count  Fersen,  the 
father,  battled,  under  support  of  fundamental  laws,  for  the 
liberty  of  citizens  against  the  assumptions  of  royal  power 
tending  to  despotism.  In  this  struggle  King  Gustavus  III. 
was  the  chief  actor  on  one  side;  on  the  other  were  the 
nobles,  defending  the  cause  of  national  liberty  and  the  main- 
tenance of  laws  against  despotism,  and  always  inclining  to 
oppose  or  ignore  the  sacred  right  of  kings. 

Gustavus  III.  played  an  important  part  in  the  affairs  of 
France  at  the  beginning  of  the  Revolution.  No  other  king 
has  been  so  variously  judged  by  his  contemporaries  and  by  pos- 
terity. He  has  been  lauded  beyond  measure  by  his  admirers, 
and  regarded  by  them  as  the  saviour  of  the  country,  the 
founder  of  a  new  era,  a  great  statesman,  a  hero,  a  conqueror, 
the  promoter  of  religious  liberty,  a  literary  man,  a  dramatist, 
devoid  of  vanity  as  a  man  and  as  a  king. 

His  political  antagonists,  on  the  other  hand,  charged  him 
with  all  the  worst  propensities  and  faults  of  kings,  and  even 
with  the  foibles  and  vices  of  humanity,  —  levity,  falsehood, 


1771]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  3 

prodigality,  indifference  to  the  welfare  of  his  people ;  they 
called  him  tyrannical,  despotic,  perjured;  attributing  great 
crimes  and  evil-doings  to  him.  The  truth  lies,  as  usual,  be- 
tween the  two  extremes.  The  reason  is  that  the  life  and 
actions  of  this  king  have  never  been  sufficiently  made  known 
to  warrant  an  impartial  judgment.  Gustavus  III.  was  not 
the  same  man,  the  same  king,  at  the  beginning  of  his  life 
that  he  was  at  the  close  of  it :  principles,  views,  will,  plans, 
resolutions,  all  were  changed  in  his  versatile  and  fluctuating 
mind.  The  object  of  his  actions  also  varied  much.  And 
yet,  he  began  his  reign  by  an  act  of  great  importance  to  his 
country,  —  the  revolution  of  1772 ;  which  crushed  anarchy, 
and  freed  Sweden  from  dependence  on  foreign  powers  and 
from  the  evil  effects  of  degrading  corruption.  That  is  one 
of  the  finest  pages  in  the  king's  history.  The  ball  of  an  in- 
famous assassin  put  an  end  to  his  life,  March  6, 1792,  made 
a  martyr  of  him,  and  drew  a  veil  over  his  faults  and  his 
foibles. 

When  young  Axel  Fersen  was  sixteen  years  old  he  was 
sent  by  his  father,  in  charge  of  a  tutor,  to  study  the  art  and 
profession  of  arms  in  foreign  countries  and  thus  complete 
his  education.  During  this  journey,  which  lasted  four  years, 
he  studied  in  the  military  schools  of  Brunswick,  Turin,  and 
Strasburg.  A  journal  which  he  kept  very  punctually  during 
those  years  gives  a  picture  of  his  youthful  mind  and  his  way 
of  looking  at  what  he  saw. 

Basle,  October  17,  1771.  I  find  here  all  sorts  of  extraor- 
dinary customs  which  divert  me  much.  For  instance,  the 
town  clock  is  always  one  hour  in  advance  of  the  clocks  of 
other  countries.  This  difference,  they  tell  me,  goes  back  to 
a  remote  period  when  the  inhabitants  resolved  to  kill  their 
chief  magistrate,  who,  warned  of  the  plot,  foiled  the  con- 


4  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  i. 

spirators  by  putting  on  the  hands  of  the  clock.  —  It  is  not 
permissible  to  dance  in  Basle  unless  the  master  of  the  house 
plays  the  violin  himself;  and  you  can  drive  in  a  carriage 
only  up  to  ten  o'clock  at  night,  without  servants  behind,  and 
in  a  plain  carriage  of  one  colour  only  and  no  gilding.  It  is 
forbidden  to  have  silk  fringes  in  the  carriage  or  on  the 
harness  when  you  drive  to  church,  and  the  ladies  must  wear 
black,  not  gowns  but  dishabilles.  Diamonds,  pearls,  laces, 
and  pretty  things  of  all  kinds  are  forbidden.  It  is  good  taste 
not  to  go  out  before  five  o'clock;  at  that  hour  visits  are 
made  to  family  circles. 

One  of  my  acquaintances  offered  to  take  me  to  the 
Assemblee  du  Printemps  [assembly  of  Spring-buds]  ;  he  pre- 
sented me  first  to  his  sister  and  she  introduced  me  to  this 
assembly,  which  is  entirely  composed  of  young  girls.  What 
surprised  me  extremely  was  to  see  these  young  ladies  arriv- 
ing alone,  or  with  a  gentleman,  and  no  maid  or  man-servant. 
They  played  cards  and  talked  with  foreigners  or  with  the 
young  men  of  the  town  who  had  the  honour  to  be  admitted. 
They  go  to  walk  in  the  promenades  all  alone. 

Geneva,  October  30,  1771.  We  had  a  letter  to  M.  Con- 
stant, an  intimate  friend  of  M.  de  Voltaire.  He  took  us  the 
next  day  to  the  country-house  of  Mme.  Jennigs,  a  very  agree- 
able woman,  who  talked  to  us  much  about  Sweden.  From 
there  we  went  to  see  M.  de  Voltaire  at  Ferney,  a  very  pretty 
house  which  he  built  himself  on  French  soil.  But  he  did 
not  receive  us ;  he  had  taken,  they  told  us,  a  purgative ; 
which  is  the  pretext  he  gives  when  he  does  not  wish  to  see 
people ;  he  appointed  for  us  to  come  on  the  following  day, 
which  obliged  us  to  stay  longer  than  we  intended.  We  were 
received  at  the  appointed  time  and  talked  with  him  for  two 
hours.  He  was  dressed  in  a  scarlet  waistcoat  with  old  em- 
broidered buttonholes,  which  his  father  and  his  grandfather 


1774]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  5 

had  doubtless  worn  before  him.  An  old  wig,  not  curled,  old- 
fashioned  shoes,  woollen  stockings,  pulled  on  over  his  drawers, 
and  an  old  dressing-gown  completed  his  toilet,  admirably  in 
keeping  with  his  wrinkled  face ;  but  we  were  struck  with  the 
beauty  of  his  eyes  and  the  liveliness  of  his  glance.  The 
whole  air  of  the  face  was  very  satirical. 

He  had  with  him  Pere  Adam,  a  Jesuit,  and  a  valet  de 
chambre  who  knows  the  whole  library  of  his  master  by 
heart.  M.  de  Voltaire  does  much  good  in  his  village ;  he 
has  collected  all  the  watch-makers  of  Geneva  and  makes 
them  work  at  his  house ;  the  part  of  his  house  where  he  once 
had  a  theatre  he  has  now  converted  into  lodging-rooms  which 
he  puts  at  their  disposal,  and  he  provides  for  their  wants. 

Turin,  November  11, 1771.  While  we  were  at  the  Acad- 
emy the  governor  presented  us  to  the  king  [Charles-Em- 
manuel III  ],  a  little  wrinkled  old  fellow  walking  with  the 
help  of  a  cane.  After  several  compliments  he  gave  me  a 
lecture,  saying  that  I  ought  to  diligently  profit  by  the  teach- 
ings of  the  Academy  in  order  to  defer  to  the  wishes  of  my 
relatives  who  had  sent  me  to  Turin.  His  son,  the  Due  de 
Savoie,  was  very  polite,  and  so  were  all  the  family. 

Paris,  January  1, 1774.  New  Year's  day,  as  they  call  it 
here.  I  had  to  go  to  Versailles  to  pay  my  court  to  the  king 
[Louis  XV.]  and  see  the  ceremony  of  the  Order  of  the  Saint- 
Esprit.  By  ten  o'clock  I  was  at  Versailles.  The  ceremony 
consists  of  a  mass  at  which  the  king  and  all  the  chevaliers 
of  the  Order  are  present  in  full  dress.  After  having  dined, 
I  went  with  Count  Creutz1  to  pay  a  visit  to  Mme.  du  Barry. 
She  spoke  to  me  then  for  the  first  time.  Leaving  her,  we 
returned  to  Paris. 

January  3.     I  went  to  pay  a  visit  to  the  Spanish  am- 

1  Swedish  ambassador  to  the  French  Court,  often  mentioned  by  Mile,  de 
Lespinasse.    See  preceding  volume  of  this  Hist.   Series.  —  Tb. 


6  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  i. 

bassador ;  Count  Creutz  took  me  later  to  see  the  Comtesse 
de  Brionne,  who  received  us  in  her  dressing-room.  I  thought 
her  very  good-looking,  although  of  a  certain  age :  she  is  tall, 
well-made,  pretty  in  face,  amiable,  and  very  gay.  I  saw  a 
part  of  her  toilet  which  amused  me  very  much.  After  hav- 
ing powdered  herself,  she  took  a  little  silver  knife,  about  a 
finger  long,  and  carefully  removed  the  powder,  going  over 
her  face  several  times.  Then  one  of  her  women,  of  whom 
she  had  three,  brought  a  large  box,  which  she  opened ;  in  it 
were  six  pots  of  rouge,  and  another  box,  small,  which  was 
full  of  a  pommade  that  seemed  to  me  black.  The  Comtesse 
took  some  rouge  on  her  finger  and  daubed  it  on  her  cheek, 
it  was  the  prettiest  rouge  that  ever  was ;  she  increased  it  by 
taking  more  from  all  the  six  pots,  two  and  two.  Then  she 
rose,  and  went  into  her  bedchamber,  where  her  daughter, 
Mile,  de  Lorraine,  came  and  joined  her ;  the  latter  did  not 
seem  to  me  as  handsome  as  they  said  she  was,  but  she  has  a 
very  lively  and  piquant  face. 

January  10.  I  went  at  three  o'clock  to  the  ball  of 
Madame  la  Dauphine  [Marie- Antoinette].  The  ball  began, 
as  usual,  at  five  o'clock,  and  lasted  till  half-past  nine ;  I  then 
returned  to  Paris. 

January  30.  I  dined  with  M.  Bloome,  Danish  minister ; 
thence  I  went  to  Mme.  d'Arville,  and,  after  talking  with 
her  half  an  hour,  I  went  to  the  assembly  at  the  Spanish 
ambassador's,  where  Count  Creutz  took  me  up  and  drove 
me  to  the  house  of  the  Princesse  de  Beauvau,  and  then  to  a 
concert  of  Stroganoff.  At  nine  o'clock  we  all  went  together 
to  sup  with  Mme.  d'Arville,  whence  I  started  at  one  o'clock 
for  the  masked  ball  at  the  opera.  It  was  crowded  :  Mme.  la 
Dauphine,  M.  le  Dauphin,  and  the  Comte  de  Provence  came 
and  spent  half  an  hour  there  without  their  presence  being 
noticed.     Mme.  la  Dauphine  talked  to  me  a  long  time  with- 


1774]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  7 

out  my  recognizing  her.  At  last  she  let  it  be  known  who 
she  was,  and  then  every  one  crowded  round  and  she  retired 
into  a  box.     At  three  o'clock  I  left  the  ball. 

January  31.  Went  to  Versailles  at  three  o'clock.  Re- 
turned to  dress  and  was,  by  a  quarter  past  nine,  with  Mme. 
d'Arville,  who  had  invited  me  to  supper  the  evening  before. 
We  were  five,  and  the  supper  was  very  gay.  At  one  o'clock 
we  separated. 

Wednesday,  February  2.  Had  to  get  up  at  eight  o'clock 
to  go  and  order  a  suit  to  be  ready  at  midnight  for  the  ball  at 
the  Palais-Royal.  In  the  afternoon  I  paid  visits  to  the 
Duchesse  d'Arville,  Mme.  du  Deffand,  and  the  Comtesse  de 
La  Marck,  the  latter  of  whom  loaded  me  with  civilities. 
She  had  been  so  good  as  to  write  me  a  note,  a  few  days 
earlier,  excusing  herself  because  I  had  made  frequent  visits 
at  her  house  without  finding  her:  she  now  reiterated  the 
same  excuses  and  said  she  hoped  I  should  not  feel  discour- 
aged ;  in  short,  I  was  enchanted  with  her  politeness  and  her 
gracious  manners.  It  was  a  quarter  past  nine  when  I  left 
her.  I  then  went  to  see  de  G£er,  where  Poniatowski  came 
at  midnight.  They  went  off  together  to  the  Palais-Royal. 
I  had  waited  impatiently  all  the  evening  for  my  suit,  and  I 
felt  myself  getting  angry,  when  they  brought  it  just  as  de 
G6er  went  off.  I  dressed  in  haste  and  went  to  the  Palais- 
Royal.  On  entering,  I  was  much  surprised  to  see  all  the 
women  dressed  as  shepherdesses,  in  gauze  and  taffeta  gowns, 
and  all  the  men  in  rich  suits  embroidered  along  the  seams. 
The  ball  had  begun ;  I  thought  at  first  it  was  a  public  ball 
and  that  the  girls  who  were  dancing  were  wantons;  I 
imagined  that  ladies  always  wore  rich  costumes.  There 
were  only  twenty  women  present,  and  the  ball  was  not  very 
lively  and  only  lasted  till  six  o'clock  ;  I  then  escaped,  for  no 
one  remained  but  the  Duchesse  de  Chartres,  the  Duchesse 


8  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  i. 

de  Bourbon,  Mme.  de  Laval,  and  Mme.  de  Holstein,  who  is, 
beyond  contradiction,  the  best  and  prettiest  dancer  in  Paris. 
As  I  went  away  I  reflected  that  the  French  do  not  know 
how  to  amuse  themselves ;  they  have  the  bad  habit  of  say- 
ing, "  I  am  ennuyed,"  and  that  poisons  all  their  pleasures. 

February  15,  Mardi  gras.  Ball  at  Versailles.  I  went 
towards  the  end  of  it.  Mme.  la  Dauphine,  Mme.  de  Pro- 
vence, Mme.  d'Artois,  Mme.  de  Lamballe,  and  two  other 
ladies  came  with  the  Dauphin,  M.  de  Provence,  M.  d'Artois, 
MM.  de  Se'gur,  de  Coigny,  and  one  other,  all  wearing  the  cos- 
tume of  Henri  IV.,  which  is  the  old  French  style.  They 
danced  different  entries,  some  of  them  very  badly,  especially 
the  Dauphin  and  M.  de  Provence;  the  others  pretty  well 
The  coup-d'osil  was  charming.1  I  returned  from  there  to  sup 
with  de  G£er,  then  at  one  o'clock  I  went  to  a  ball  given  by 
the  ambassador  of  Malta. 

Sunday,  February  20.  Supped  with  the  Duchesse  d'Arville, 
who,  as  usual,  overwhelmed  me  with  kindness  and  civilities, 
and  so  did  her  sister,  the  Duchesse  d  Estisac. 

I  paid  visits  pretty  regularly,  and  often  went  to  the  theatre. 

1  Description  of  Marie-Antoinette  as  Dauphine  in  the  "  Me'moires 
Secrets"  by  Bachaumont:  "Here  is  the  exact  portrait  of  Madame  la 
Dauphine.  This  princess  is  of  a  height  proportioned  to  her  age,  thin, 
without  being  emaciated,  and  such  as  a  young  girl  is  when  not  fully 
formed.  She  is  very  well-made,  well-proportioned  in  all  her  limbs.  Her 
hair  is  a  beautiful  blond;  I  judge  it  will  some  day  be  a  golden  chest- 
nut ;  it  is  well  planted  on  her  head.  Her  forehead  is  fine ;  the  shape  of 
her  face  a  handsome  oval,  but  a  little  long,  the  eyebrows  are  as  well 
marked  as  a  blonde  can  have  them.  Her  eyes  are  blue,  but  not  insipid ; 
they  sparkle  with  a  vivacity  full  of  intelligence.  Her  nose  is  aquiline,  a 
little  sharp  at  the  tip;  her  mouth  is  small,  the  lips  full,  especially  the 
lower  one,  which  every  one  knows  to  be  the  Austrian  lip.  The  whiteness 
of  her  skin  is  dazzling,  and  she  has  a  natural  colour  which  dispenses  her 
from  putting  on  rouge.  Her  carriage  and  bearing  is  that  of  an  arch- 
duchess ;  but  her  dignity  is  tempered  by  gentleness,  and  it  is  difficult  on 
seeing  this  princess  to  refuse  her  a  respect  mingled  with  tenderness." 
— Tk. 


1774]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  9 

Count  Creutz  took  me  to  the  house  of  the  Marquis  de 
Brancas,  where  much  politeness  was  shown  to  me.  I  supped 
there  several  times,  and  on  Friday,  March  4,  they  gave  a 
charming  little  ball ;  five  gentlemen  and  six  ladies  danced 
from  eight  in  the  evening  till  six  in  the  morning.  We  only 
left  off  one  hour  for  supper.  These  dancing-suppers  are 
often  given  during  Lent  in  Paris ;  where  times  of  abstinence 
are  not  so  strictly  kept  as  in  Italy,  where  people  would  think 
themselves  excommunicated  if  they  danced  at  this  season, 
and  a  woman  who  committed  such  a  fault  would  hurry  the 
next  morning  to  confess  it  and  obtain  absolution. 

[It  was  at  this  time  that  the  Swedish  ambassador,  Count 
Creutz,  wrote  to  King  Gustavus  III.,  May  20,  1774,  in  praise 
of  the  youth  as  follows :  — 

"  The  young  Count  Fersen  has  just  departed  for  London. 
Of  all  the  Swedes  who  have  been  here  in  my  time  he  is  the 
one  who  has  been  the  most  welcomed  by  the  great  world. 
The  royal  family  have  treated  him  remarkably  well.  It  is 
not  possible  to  have  shown  a  more  discreet  and  becoming 
conduct  than  he  has  maintained.  With  the  handsomest 
face  and  much  intelligence  he  could  not  fail  to  succeed  in 
society,  and  he  has  done  so  completely.  Your  Majesty  may 
certainly  be  content  with  him ;  but  what  makes  Count  Fersen 
even  more  worthy  of  Your  Majesty's  kindness  is  that  he 
thinks  nobly  and  with  singular  loftiness." 

Count  Axel  arrived  in  London  May  15,  1774,  and  stayed 
there  four  months ;  amusements  of  all  kinds  interfered  with 
the  regularity  of  his  journal,  but  some  of  his  notes  are  of 
permanent  interest.] 

Monday,  May  16,  1774.  At  eight  o'clock  we  went  to 
Kanelagh.    I  ,was  struck,  on  entering,  with  the  magnificence 


10  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap,  t 

of  the  coup-d'oeil,  and  the  beauty  of  the  hall,  built  in  a  circle 
and  of  great  height.  In  the  centre  is  a  species  of  altar,  very 
large,  and  the  seats  surround  it ;  it  is  there  that  they  heat 
the  water  for  the  tea.  The  seats,  as  well  as  the  boxes, 
which  are  built  round  the  outer  wall,  are  filled  from  seven 
o'clock  till  midnight,  at  which  hour  every  one  withdraws. 
Above  the  boxes  are  galleries  where  people  promenade,  and 
nothing  is  more  agreeable  than  to  sit  there  and  watch  them 
as  they  circulate  about.  The  illumination  is  very  fine.  The 
men  are  not  allowed  to  give  their  arm  to  the  women,  unless 
they  are  married  to  them.  They  leave  them  to  walk  about 
alone  and  come  and  speak  to  them  only  occasionally. 

Wednesday,  May  18.  At  midday  I  went  to  Court  with 
Baron  Nolcken.  The  apartments  are  neither  large  nor  mag- 
nificently furnished  ;  nothing  about  them  bespeaks  the  gran- 
deur of  a  king.  The  chandeliers  are  of  wood,  gilt  or  silvered 
according  to  the  importance  of  the  room.  When  the  king 
was  dressed  we  entered  his  chamber,  where  we  saw  an  old 
bed  of  red  velvet,  blackened  by  smoke  and  shiny  with 
grease,  before  which  was  a  sort  of  railing  of  silver  wire.  The 
king  [George  III.]  is  obliged  to  speak  to  every  one,  and  when 
he  came  to  Baron  Nolcken  I  was  presented.  He  spoke  to 
me,  but  in  a  very  low  voice,  for  that  is  his  way.  As  his  con- 
versation is  limited  to  three  or  four  topics,  he  is  afraid  the 
others  shall  hear  that  he  asks  the  same  questions  of  every- 
body. 

Thursday,  May  19.  I  have  been  presented  to  Queen 
Charlotte,  who  is  very  gracious  and  amiable,  but  not  at  all 
pretty.  In  the  evening  I  was  taken  by  the  Earl  of  ...  to 
Almack's,  a  ball  which  is  given  by  subscription  ^throughout 
the  winter.  The  hall  where  they  danced  was  well-arranged 
and  brilliantly  lighted.  The  dancing  ought  to  begin  at  ten 
o'clock,  but  the  men  stay  at  their  clubs  till  half-past  eleven ; 

Ver.  8  1  Mem. 


1778]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  11 

during  the  interval  the  women  wait,  sitting  on  benches  to 
right  and  left  of  the  long  gallery  in  great  ceremony;  one 
would  think  they  were  at  church;  they  are  all  sad  and 
serious,  and  never  even  speak  to  each  other.  The  supper, 
which  takes  place  at  midnight,  is  very  well  served  and  is  a 
little  less  sad  than  the  rest.  I  was  placed  beside  Lady  Car- 
penter, one  of  the  handsomest  young  girls  in  London ;  she 
was  very  agreeable  and  talked  much.  I  had  occasion  to  see 
her  a  few  days  later,  and  addressed  a  few  polite  words  to 
her ;  which  she  did  not  even  answer.  I  was  much  surprised 
to  see  the  young  ladies  talking  tete-a-tete  with  men,  and  go- 
ing about  by  themselves.  It  reminded  me  of  Lausaunne 
where  they  enjoy  entire  liberty. 

[The  young  count  returned  to  Sweden  at  the  beginning  of 
the  year  1775.  He  was  already  a  lieutenant,  unattached,  in 
the  Eoyal-Baviere  regiment  of  the  French  army ;  he  was 
now  made  a  captain,  unattached,  of  the  light-horse  cavalry  of 
the  King  of  Sweden.  He  took  part  in  all  the  amusements 
of  the  Court  of  Gustavus  III.,  then  considered  the  gayest  in 
Europe ;  but  the  desire  to  follow  the  example  of  his  ances- 
tors on  the  battle-field  pursued  him.  Sweden  being  at  peace 
without  prospect  of  war,  he  had  to  seek  a  military  career  in 
foreign  countries.  He  went  first  to  London  in  1778,  where 
he  stayed  three  months.  Thence  he  went  to  Paris,  arriving 
there  during  the  dull  season,  when  the  great  world  had 
scattered  into  the  country.] 

Paris,  August  25,  1778.  I  had  to  begin  by  being  pre- 
sented to  the  persons  who  were  still  in  Paris,  of  whom  there 
were  but  few.  Creutz  took  me  to  call  on  Mme.  de  Boufflers, 
a  charming  woman  and  one  of  the  most  renowned  in  Paris 
for  her  wit.     She  is  in  close  correspondence  with  the  king 

Ver.  8  2  Mem. 


12  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OP  [chap.  i. 

[Gustavus  III.].  I  was  perfectly  well  received.  She  has  a 
daughter-in-law  whom  she  loves  to  adoration,  who  is  beauti- 
ful as  an  angel,  but  capricious  to  the  last  degree.  I  saw 
Mme.  Dusson,  the  wife  of  our  ambassador ;  she  is  a  good,  fat 
Dutchwoman,  malicious  and  caustic  as  a  demon  when  she 
takes  a  dislike  to  any  one ;  but  otherwise  very  polite.  She 
has  always  overwhelmed  me  with  civilities  and  friendship. 
Mme.  du  Deffand  is  still  blind. 

August  26,  1778.  Last  Tuesday  I  went  to  Versailles  to 
be  presented  to  the  royal  family.  The  queen,  who  is  charm- 
ing, said  when  she  saw  me,  "  Ah  !  here  is  an  old  acquaint- 
ance."    The  rest  of  the  family  did  not  say  a  word  to  me. 

September  8,  1778.  The  queen,  who  is  the  prettiest  and 
most  amiable  princess  that  I  know,  has  had  the  kindness  to 
inquire  about  me  often ;  she  asked  Creutz  why  I  did  not  go 
to  her  card  parties  on  Sundays ;  and  hearing  that  I  did  go 
one  Sunday  when  there  was  none,  she  sent  me  a  sort  of  ex- 
cuse.    Her  pregnancy  advances  and  is  quite  visible. 

November  19,  1778.  The  queen  treats  me  with  great 
kindness ;  I  often  pay  her  my  court  at  her  card-games,  and 
each  time  she  makes  to  me  little  speeches  that  are  full  of 
good-will.  As  some  one  had  told  her  of  my  Swedish  uni- 
form, she  expressed  a  wish  to  see  me  in  it ;  I  am  to  go  Thurs- 
day thus  dressed,  not  to  Court,  but  to  the  queen's  apartments. 
She  is  the  most  amiable  princess  that  I  know. 

In  a  letter  to  his  father,  dated  November  19,  1778,  he 
says : — 

"  My  stay  here  becomes  every  day  more  and  more  agreeable. 
I  make  new  acquaintances  all  the  time,  and  I  think  I  can 
soon,  without  incommoding  myself,  cultivate  them  all.  I 
have  not  yet  seen  the  Due  de  Choiseul ;  he  is  in  Paris,  but 
his  house  is  not  open.  All  the  persons  whom  I  knew  on  my 
first  visit  seem  to  see  me  again  with  pleasure.     In  short,  it 


1778]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  13 

is  a  charming  place,  where  nothing  is  lacking  to  me  to  be 
perfectly  happy  but  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  you,  my  dear 
father." 

[During  this  time,  however,  the  jealousy  of  the  courtiers 
was  roused.  Fersen  was  received  into  the  queen's  most  pri- 
vate circle ;  much  was  said  about  the  little  fetes  given  by 
Mmes.  de  Lamballe  and  de  Polignac  to  which  very  few  were 
admitted,  but  Fersen  was  among  them.  The  malice  of  dis- 
appointed courtiers  was  the  origin  of  the  calumnies  against 
Marie-Antoinette,  and  it  was  convenient  to  publicly  connect 
them  with  the  name  of  the  young  foreigner.  An  allusion  to 
these  tales  appears  in  a  private  despatch  of  Count  Creutz 
addressed  to  Gustavus  III.,  April  10, 1779  :  — 

"  I  ought  to  confide  to  Your  Majesty  that  the  young  Count 
Fersen  has  been  so  well  received  by  the  queen  that  this  has 
given  umbrage  to  several  persons.  I  own  that  I  cannot  help 
thinking  that  she  had  a  liking  for  him  ;  I  have  seen  too 
many  indications  to  doubt  it.  The  conduct  of  the  young 
count  has  been  admirable  on  this  occasion  for  its  modesty 
and  its  reserve,  but  above  all,  in  the  decision  he  made  to  go 
to  America.  By  thus  departing  he  avoided  all  dangers ;  but 
it  needed,  evidently,  a  firmness  beyond  his  years,  to  sur- 
mount that  seduction.  The  queen's  eyes  could  not  leave 
him,  during  the  last  days,  and  they  often  filled  with  tears. 
I  entreat  Your  Majesty  to  keep  this  secret,  for  her  sake  and 
that  of  Senator  Fersen.  When  the  courtiers  heard  of  Count 
Fersen's  departure  they  were  delighted.  The  Duchesse  de 
Fitz- James  said  to  him,  '  Why !  monsieur,  is  this  the  way 
you  abandon  your  conquest  ? '  '  If  I  had  made  one,  I  should 
not  abandon  it,'  he  replied.  '  I  go  with  freedom,  and,  un- 
fortunately, I  leave  no  regrets  behind  me.'  Your  Majesty 
will  agree  that  that  answer  shows  a  wisdom  and  prudence 


14  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE   OF  [chap.  i. 

beyond  his  years.  In  other  respects  the  queen  behaves  with 
much  more  reserve  and  wisdom  than  formerly.  The  king  is 
not  only  quite  submissive  to  her  will,  but  he  shares  her 
tastes  and  her  pleasures." 

These  mischievous  rumours  had  and  could  have  had  no 
real  foundation,  because  young  Fersen  was  at  this  time 
meditating  a  marriage  with  Mile,  de  Leijel,  of  a  noble 
Swedish  family,  whose  father  was  naturalized  in  England, 
where  he  had  inherited  an  immense  fortune  from  two  un- 
married uncles,  members  of  the  East  India  Company  of 
London,  where  the  family  resided.  Many  letters  from  Count 
Axel  communicated  this  project  to  his  father,  who  highly 
approved  of  it.  The  war  in  North  America  and  an  absence 
of  five  years  caused  the  young  people  to  forget  their  first 
attachment,  and  Mile,  de  Leijel  married,  in  1783,  John 
Eichard  West,  fourth  Earl  of  Delawarr. 

Perhaps,  the  most  cruel  fact  in  the  history  of  Marie- 
Antoinette  is  that  the  calumnies  against  her  began  in  the 
circle  of  her  friends,  whom  she  unwisely  trusted.  What 
wonder  if  her  heart  were  touched  by  the  youth  who  was 
destined  (as  we  shall  presently  see)  to  give  her,  from  first 
to  last,  the  chivalrous  devotion  of  a  knight  of  old,  high 
above  all  personal  considerations.  Two  men  have  spoken 
of  Marie-Antoinette  in  words  that  should  never  be  forgotten : 
one  is  the  gay,  light-hearted  Prince  de  Ligne,  who  knew  her 
intimately  during  these  very  years ; '  the  other  is  M.  de 
Sainte-Beuve,  whose  words  are  as  follows  :  —  ] 

"  There  is  a  way  of  considering  Marie-Antoinette  which 
seems  to  me  the  true  way,  and  I  would  fain  define  it,  be- 
cause it  is  in  this  direction  that,  as  I  believe,  the  definitive 

1  See  the  "  Memoirs  of  the  Prince  de  Ligne, "  of  the  present  Hist. 
Series. —  Tk. 


1778]  COUNT   AXEL  FERSEN.  15 

judgment  of  history  will  go.  Some  persons  may,  from  a 
lofty  feeling  of  compassion,  fall  in  love  with  the  ideal  in- 
terest attaching  to  her,  endeavour  to  defend  her  at  all  points, 
make  themselves  her  advocates,  her  knights  toward  and  against 
all  comers,  and  resent  the  mere  idea  of  stains  and  foibles 
that  others  think  they  have  discovered  in  her  life.  The 
role  of  such  defenders  is  to  be  respected  when  it  is  sincere ; 
and  we  can  well  understand  it  in  those  who  worship  the 
traditions  of  the  old  royalty ;  but  it  moves  me  far  less  in 
others  with  whom  it  is  merely  a  chosen  view.  That  point 
of  view  is  not  mine,  and  it  is  difficult  that  it  should  be  that 
of  men  who  were  not  brought  up  in  the  religion  of  the 
ancient  monarchy. 

"  What  seems  to  me  safer,  more  desirable  for  the  tender 
memory  of  Marie-Antoinette  is  to  see  that  it  is  possible  to 
disengage  from  the  multitude  of  writings  and  testimonies 
of  which  she  has  been  the  object  a  noble,  beautiful,  and 
gracious  figure,  —  with  its  weaknesses,  its  frivolities,  its 
frailties  perhaps,  but  with  the  essential  qualities,  preserved 
in  all  their  integrity,  of  woman,  mother,  and,  at  moments, 
queen ;  with  kindness  ever  generous,  and,  in  the  final  hours, 
with  the  virtues  of  resignation,  courage,  and  gentleness 
that  crown  a  vast  misfortune.  It  is  thus  that,  once  estab- 
lished historically  on  that  plane,  which  is  noble  indeed, 
she  will  continue  in  future  ages  to  interest  all  those  who, 
indifferent  to  the  politics  of  the  past,  treasure  the  delicate 
human  sentiments  which  form  part  of  civilization  as  of 
nature,  —  all  those  who  weep  over  the  sorrows  of  Hecuba  and 
of  Andromache,  and  who,  reading  the  tale  of  sorrows  like 
theirs,  but  greater  still,  will  mourn  them  in  reality. 

"  But  there  is  this  difference,  that  poesy  alone  presents  the 
traditions  of  Andromache  and  Hecuba  ;  we  have  no  memoirs 
of  the  Court  of  Priam ;  whereas  we  have  those  of  the  Court  of 


16  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  i. 

Louis  XVI.,  and  there  is  no  way  to  avoid  taking  account 
of  them.  What  say  these  memoirs  about  Marie- Antoinette  ? 
I  speak  of  the  true  memoirs,  not  the  libellous  ones.  What 
says  the  Comte  de  La  Marck,  who  presents  so  well  the  spirit 
of  that  first  epoch  of  the  young  dauphine's  life.  Arriving 
in  France  when  fifteen  years  of  age,  she  was  not  nineteen 
when  she  found  herself  a  queen  beside  Louis  XVI.  That 
prince,  furnished  with  a  solid  education  and  endowed  with 
the  moral  qualities  which  we  know,  but  feeble,  timid, 
brusque,  rough,  and  particularly  ungainly  towards  women, 
had  nothing  of  what  was  needful  to  guide  his  young  wife. 
She,  the  daughter  of  an  illustrious  mother,  was  not  brought 
up  by  Maria  Theresa,  —  too  busy  with  the  affairs  of  State  to 
attend  to  the  affairs  of  family,  —  so  that  her  early  education 
in  Vienna  had  been  much  neglected.  No  one  had  given  her 
a  taste  for,  or  even  the  idea  of  serious  reading.  Her  mind,  by 
nature  quick  and  honest, '  seized  and  rapidly  comprehended 
the  things  that  were  said  to  her,'  but  it  had  neither  a  wide 
range  nor  great  capacity,  —  nothing,  in  short,  that  could  re- 
pair the  want  of  education,  or  take  the  place  of  experience. 
Amiable,  gay,  and  innocently  merry,  she  had,  above  all, 
'great  kindness  of  heart  and  a  persistent  desire  to  oblige 
the  persons  who  surrounded  her.'  She  had  also  a  great 
need  of  friendship  and  intimacy,  and  she  at  once  sought  for 
some  one  with  whom  to  ally  herself  in  a  manner  that  was 
not  customary  at  Court.  Her  ideal  of  happiness  (every  one 
has  his  or  her  ideal)  was,  evidently,  that  of  escaping  from 
ceremonies  which  bored  her,  to  find  an  agreeable,  merry, 
devoted,  chosen  society,  in  the  bosom  of  which  she  could 
forget  she  was  queen  —  all  the  while  remembering  it  very 
well  in  her  heart.  She  delighted  in  giving  herself  the 
pleasure  of  this  forgetfulness,  and  in  recalling  what  she  was 
only  in  shedding  kind  favours  around  her.     We  have  seen, 


1778]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  17 

in  comic  operas  and  pastorals,  disguised  queens  who  thus 
made  the  joy  and  charm  of  all  around  them.  Marie- 
Antoinette  had  precisely  this  ideal  of  a  happy  life,  which 
she  might  have  realized  without  impropriety  had  she  re- 
mained a  mere  archduchess  in  Vienna,  or  reigned  a  simple 
sovereign  in  some  Tuscany  or  Lorraine.  But  in  France  she 
could  not  lead  that  life  with  impunity ;  her  little  Trianon, 
with  its  dairies,  its  shepherdesses,  and  its  comedies,  was  too 
near  Versailles.  Envy  prowled  about  those  too  exclusive 
regions,  —  Envy,  beckoning  to  stupidity  and  calumny. 

"  M.  de  La  Marck,  in  a  brief  Notice  inserted  in  the  Intro- 
duction to  a  work  lately  published  on  Mirabeau,  has  very 
well  shown  the  injury  it  was  to  the  queen  to  confine  her- 
self at  first  so  exclusively  to  the  circle  of  the  Comtesse  Jules 
de  Polignac,  giving  to  the  latter  with  the  name  of  friend 
the  attitude  of  a  favourite,  and  to  all  the  men  of  that  coterie 
(the  Vaudreuils,  Besenvals,  and  Adhdmars)  pretensions  and 
rights  which  they  speedily  abused,  each  in  the  line  of  his 
own  temper  and  his  own  ambition.  Although  she  never 
knew  the  extent  of  this  injury  she  nevertheless  perceived 
some  part  of  it ;  she  felt  that  where  she  had  looked  for  re- 
pose and  relief  from  high  rank,  she  found  only  selfish 
besetments;  and  when  some  one  said  to  her  that  she 
showed  too  much  preference  to  foreigners  of  distinction  who 
passed  through  France,  and  that  this  might  do  her  injury 
with  Frenchmen,  she  answered  sadly,  'You  are  right,  but 
they  at  least  ask  nothing  of  me.' 

■  Some  of  the  men  who,  admitted  into  this  intimacy  and 
favour  of  the  queen,  were  the  most  bound  to  gratitude  and 
respect,  were  the  first  to  speak  of  her  disrespectfully,  be- 
cause they  did  not  find  her  sufficiently  docile  to  their  wishes. 
Once,  when  she  seemed  to  separate  herself  a  little  from  the 
Polignac  circle,  'a  frequenter  of  that  circle'  (whom  M.  de 


18  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  i. 

La  Marck  does  not  name,  but  who  seems  to  have  been  one 
of  the  most  important  men  of  it)  •  wrote  a  very  malignant 
couplet  against  the  queen ;  and  that  couplet,  founded  on  an 
infamous  lie,  circulated  through  Paris.'  It  was  thus  that 
the  Court  itself  and  the  private  circle  of  the  queen  supplied 
the  first  leaven  that  mingled  with  the  scurrilities  and  in- 
famies of  the  outside  public.  She  herself  was  ignorant  of 
all  this ;  she  did  not  suspect  what  influenced  people  against 
her  at  Versailles,  any  more  than  what  alienated  the  public 
of  Paris. 

"  To-day,  even,  when  testimony  is  quoted  in  reference  to 
Marie-Antoinette  — testimony  of  some  one  of  note  — it  is  from 
the  '  Memoirs  of  the  Baron  de  Besenval '  that  it  is  usually 
taken.  She  sends  for  Besenval  in  1778  on  the  occasion 
of  the  duel  between  the  Comte  d'Artois  and  the  Due  de 
Bourbon ;  he  is  introduced  by  Mme.  Campan  (her  secretary) 
into  a  private  room  which  he  did  not  know, '  simply,  but  com- 
modiously  furnished.  —  I  was  astonished,'  he  adds  in  pass- 
ing, '  not  that  the  queen  should  have  desired  such  facilities, 
but  that  she  dared  to  procure  them.'  That  single  sentence, 
dropped  by  the  way,  as  it  were,  is  full  of  insinuations,  on 
which  the  queen's  enemies  have  not  failed  to  fasten. 

"Here  I  shall  not  affect  more  reserve  than  is  proper; 
neither  shall  I  fear  to  touch  on  the  delicate  point  of  all  this. 
There  are  persons  whose  prepossessions  deny  absolutely  all 
levity  and  all  weakness  in  the  heart  of  the  queen  (supposing 
always  that  such  persons  still  exist  at  this  period).  For 
myself,  I  boldly  think  that  the  interest  which  attaches  to 
her  memory,  the  pity  excited  by  her  misfortunes  and  the 
noble  manner  in  which  she  bore  them,  the  execration  that 
her  judges  and  executioners  deserve,  do  not  in  any  way  de- 
pend on  anterior  discovery  of  some  frailty  of  womanhood,  and 
cannot  in  the  slightest  degree  be  invalidated  by  it.     And  now, 


1778]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  19 

in  the  present  state  of  historical  information  about  Marie- 
Antoinette,  taking  into  account  all  true  testimony,  remember- 
ing also  what  we  have  heard  related  by  contemporaries  who 
were  sufficiently  well-informed,  it  is  very  permissible  to  think 
that  this  affectionate  and  eager  woman,  wholly  given  to  impres- 
sions, loving  elegant  manners  and  chivalrous  forms,  needing, 
simply  enough,  expansion  and  protection,  may  have  had, 
during  those  fifteen  years  of  her  youth,  some  preference  of 
the  heart ;  indeed,  it  would  be  strange  had  it  been  otherwise. 
Many  ambitious  men,  many  fatuous  men  had  pretensions 
and  failed ;  attempts  were  made,  beginnings  without  number. 
Lauzun  in  his  Memoirs  tells  of  his,  and  explains  it  after  his 
fashion ;  but  the  fact  remains  that,  in  one  way  or  another, 
he  failed. 

*  The  Prince  de  Ligne,  who  was  often  in  France  at  this 
period,  and  was  one  of  those  foreigners  wholly  French  and 
charming  who  particularly  pleased  the  queen,  speaks  of  her 
thus:  'Her  so-called  gallantry  was  never  anything  but  a 
deep  sense  of  friendship,  which,  perhaps,  distinguished  one 
or  two  persons,  and  a  general  coquetry  of  woman  and  queen 
which  sought  to  please  every  one.'  This  impression,  or  conjec- 
ture, which  I  find  in  other  good  observers  who  were  near  to 
Marie-Antoinette  is,  and  will  remain,  I  think,  the  probable 
truth.  These  '  two  persons '  whom  she  particularly  dis- 
tinguished at  different  periods  appear  to  have  been  the  Due 
de  Coigny,  a  prudent  man  already  mature,  and,  later,  Count 
Fersen,  colonel  of  the  Royal-Swedish  regiment  in  the  service 
of  France,  a  man  of  lofty  and  chivalrous  nature,  who,  in 
the  days  of  misfortune,  proved  himself  such  by  an  absolute 
devotion." 

[From  the  beginning  of  the  year  1779  Count  Axel  Fersen, 
liberal  in  opinion  through  family  tradition  and  parental  ex- 


20  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE   OF  [chap.  i. 

ample,  and  inspired  by  the  new  enthusiasm  then  reigning  in 
France,  demanded  earnestly  to  be  allowed  to  take  part  in  the 
expedition  of  French  troops  to  the  war  of  independence  then 
going  on  in  North  America.  At  last,  thanks  to  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  King  of  Sweden  [Gustavus  III.]  and  to  the 
exertions  of  his  ambassador,  Count  Creutz,  thanks  also  to 
the  friendship  of  the  Comte  deVergennes  for  his  father,  young 
Fersen  was  appointed  aide-de-camp  to  the  Comte  de  Vaux, 
who  had  just  been  made  commander  of  the  first  expedition, 
which  was  to  have  sailed  from  Havre-de-Gr&ce,  where  the 
troops  assembled,  but  never  did  so. 

It  was  not  until  the  spring  of  1780  that  young  Fersen 
embarked  at  Brest,  as  aide-de-camp  to  the  Comte  de  Eocham- 
beau,  commanding  the  expeditionary  corps  of  the  French 
army  to  aid  the  Americans  in  their  war  of  independence 
against  England.  His  letters  to  his  father,  from  that  period 
until  1783,  extracts  from  which  here  follow,  are  of  very- 
great  interest  from  their  contents  during  three  campaigns. 
After  taking  part  in  the  expedition  to  Ehode  Island,  Count 
Fersen  was  present  at  the  siege  and  capitulation  of  York- 
town  when  the  English  general,  Cornwallis  was  made  prisoner 
with  all  his  troops,  October  19,  1781,  which  contributed  in  a 
great  measure  to  put  an  end  to  the  war.  Young  Fersen  had 
been  employed  by  General  Comte  de  Kochambeau,  in  pref- 
erence to  the  other  aides-de-camp,  during  the  conferences 
with  General  Washington  and  the  other  leaders  of  the 
American  army ;  and  it  was  he  who  conducted  the  negotia- 
tions, —  a  preference  founded  as  much  on  his  personal  quali- 
ties as  on  his  knowledge  of  the  English  language.] 


1780]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  21 


CHAPTER  II. 

1780-1783.  Letters  of  Count  Axel  Fersen  to  his  Father,  Field-Marshal 
Fersen,  during  the  French  War  in  North  America  in  aid  of  the  Inde- 
pendence of  the  United  States. 

Paris,  March  2,  1780. 

You  see  me,  my  dear  father,  at  the  summit  of  my  wishes. 
A  great  expedition  of  12,000  men  is  being  fitted  out,  but  they 
assure  me  it  will  mount  up  to  20,000.  I  have  obtained  per- 
mission to  belong  to  it  as  aide-de-camp  to  the  general,  who  is 
M.  de  Rochambeau ;  but  I  am  told  to  keep  this  secret,  for  it 
has  been  refused  to  many  others.  Every  one  wishes  to  go, 
so  they  have  taken  a  firm  resolution  not  to  send  any  but  the 
officers  belonging  to  the  marching  regiments.  I  owe  this 
obligation  to  M.  de  Vergennes ;  he  took  charge  of  the  affair. 
I  am  in  a  state  of  joy  that  cannot  be  expressed. 

When  I  spoke  to  M.  de  Rochambeau,  he  said  all  sorts  of 
civil  things  to  me,  and  talked  to  me  a  long  time  of  you, 
father ;  he  ended  by  saying  he  was  charmed  to  have  me  with 
him,  and  be  able  to  show  how  much  he  esteemed  you  and 
how  sincerely  he  was  attached  to  you.  The  generals  who 
are  with  him  are:  the  Marquis  de  Jaucourt,  the  Comte 
de  Caraman,  and  the  Marquis  de  Viomesnil ;  the  last  two 
have  much  reputation ;  that  of  M.  de  Rochambeau  is  already 
secure ;  it  is,  in  general,  the  best  choice  that  could  have  been 
made.  There  are  three  German  regiments :  Anhalt,  Royal- 
Deux-Ponts,  and  Royal-Corsican.  I  have  not  yet  seen  the 
list  of  the  French  regiments,  but  their  colonels  have  orders  to 
be  at  Brest  on  the  15th,  — we  on  the  25th,  to  sail  April  1st  to 
4th.     The  convoy  will  be  escorted  by  twelve  ships  of  the 


22  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  ii. 

line  and  a  sufficient  number  of  frigates.  Our  fleet  is  com- 
manded by  M.  Duchaffaud,  and  Comte  d'Estaing  commands 
that  of  observation,  which  is  to  remain  in  the  Channel  all 
winter.  The  navy  will  burst  with  vexation ;  but  I  think  it 
is  for  the  good  of  the  thing. 

Brest,  April  4,  1780. 

Our  embarkation  is  getting  on;  the  artillery,  munitions, 
and  commissariat  are  already  on  board,  and  we  shall  be  busy 
now  with  that  of  the  troops.  The  first  regiment  arrives  to- 
day, and  all  will  be  embarked  by  the  8th.  M.  de  Eocham- 
beau  wants  to  be  in  the  roadstead  by  the  10th  so  as  to  set 
sail  the  12th  or  13th.  I  am  so  glad  I  do  not  know  what  to 
do  with  myself,  but  my  joy  will  not  be  perfect  till  we  are 
off  Cape  Finisterre. 

I  wrote  you,  my  dear  father,  that  our  division  (for  it  can- 
not yet  be  called  an  army)  was  of  7,683  men ;  that  number 
has  been  reduced  to  5000  by  the  negligence  and  inefficiency 
with  which  everything  is  now  done  in  this  country.  You 
shall  judge :  when  it  was  first  a  question  of  this  expedition, 
the  number  of  men  was  fixed  at  4000.  M.  de  Eochambeau 
refused  to  take  charge  of  it  in  view  of  that  small  number ;  he 
said  that  he  could  not  accept  the  command  if  there  were 
less  than  7000  men ;  on  which  every  one  blamed  him  for  the 
modesty  of  that  number;  he  replied  that  he  was  sure  of 
having  more  than  he  could  carry  with  him.  The  event  justi- 
fied his  speech ;  for  instead  of  a  tonnage  of  30,000  which  M. 
de  Sartine  [minister  of  the  navy]  promised  him,  there  proved 
to  be  in  all  the  transports  collected  at  Brest  only  10,000 
tons ;  the  allowance  being  a  man  to  each  two  tons,  —  the  third 
of  what  was  promised !  However,  by  dint  of  management 
we  found  means  to  leave  only  2595  men  behind  us  and  to 
sail  with  5088. 

This  puts  us  in  despair,  and  we  cannot  help  being  sur- 


1780]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  23 

prised  and  indignant  that  they  never  thought  of  sending  the 
ships  from  Havre  and  Saint-Malo  to  Brest  during  the  winter, 
instead  of  waiting  till  spring,  when  the  pirates  of  Jersey 
prevent  communication  between  the  three  ports.  This  is 
happening  now ;  we  had  counted  on  ten  or  twelve  large  ships 
from  Havre  and  Saint-Malo ;  but  they  had  to  return  to  port 
for  fear  of  being  taken ;  and  we  have  written  to  Bordeaux  to 
get  others.  We  expect  them  daily ;  but  if  they  do  not  come 
before  the  12th  we  shall  sail  without  them,  and  the  rest  of 
our  little  army  must  join  us  when  it  can.  I  have  reason 
to  think  it  will  be  increased  by  4000  men;  this  is  very 
necessary. 

"We  have  four  general  officers :  the  Chevalier  de  Chastellux, 
the  Chevalier  and  the  Baron  de  Viomesnil  (two  brothers),  and' 
M.  de  Wichtenstein,  formerly  colonel  of  the  Anhalt  regi- 
ment ;  all  four  are  brigadier-generals.  We  are  taking  much 
artillery ;  the  siege  train  is  very  considerable.  We  have  pro- 
visions for  four  months  at  sea,  and  three  months  ashore. 
We  shall  be  escorted  by  seven  vessels  of  the  line :  the  "  Due 
de  Bourgogne,"  80  guns,  the  "  Neptune,"  74,  the  "  Conquer- 
ant,"  74,  the  "  Jason,"  64,  the  "  Eveille\"  64,  the  "  Provence," 
64,  the  "  Ardent,"  64  (that  is  the  one  that  was  taken  by  the 
English  last  year),  and  two  frigates.  The  convoy  is  of  24 
transports. 

At  sea,  May  16  (Monday),  1780,  on  board 
the  "  Jason  "  off  Finisterre. 

I  have  only  time  to  write  you  two  words  to  tell  you  I  am 
well.  I  have  not  suffered  from  seasickness.  We  have  al- 
ready had  rough  weather,  which  dismasted  one  of  our  ships. 
The  wind  is  fair,  and  I  think  that  in  forty  days  Ave  may 
reach  America.  We  have  sighted  a  large  vessel  in  the  dis- 
tance, and  do  not  know  whether  it  is  friend  or  enemy.  I 
have  no  time  to  write  more. 


24  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  ii. 

August  5, 1780.    Newport,  in  Rhode  Island. 

The  letter  I  wrote  you  on  July  16,  which  returned  to 
Newport  on  the  23d  on  account  of  the  appearance  of  the 
English  fleet,  is  now  at  the  bottom  of  the  sea.  The  ship  that 
carried  it  sank  as  it  left  the  harbour  July  30,  having  struck 
a  rock.  In  it  I  sent  you  an  account  of  a  naval  fight  we 
had,  also  a  plan,  and  a  short  account  from  my  journal  of  our 
voyage.  I  have  no  time  to  rewrite  the  fight,,  or  sketch  the 
plan ;  as  for  the  journal,  here  it  is :  — 

May  4,  left  Brest;  met  a  gale  in  the  bay  of  Biscay  11th; 
17th,  doubled  Cape  Finisterre ;  went  southward  to  the  27th 
degree  of  longitude ;  then  steered  west ;  June  20,  off  the 
Bermudas,  met  five  English  vessels  and  fought  them  two 
hours  without  doing  ourselves  much  damage.  In  the  dark- 
ness they  disappeared;  our  escort  would  not  let  us  follow 
them.  We  intended  to  anchor  in  the  bay  of  the  Chesapeake ; 
but  July  4,  when  we  were  only  thirteen  leagues  distant, 
we  sighted  eleven  vessels  which  we  took  to  be  men-of-war ; 
this  induced  us  to  change  our  course  and  sail  for  Ehode 
Island,  where  we  arrived  safely  on  the  evening  of  the  11th 
and  anchored  in  the  roadstead.  It  was  not  without  strong 
fears  of  meeting  the  English  fleet  on  our  way  from  the 
Chesapeake  here;  which  were  well-founded,  for  Admiral 
Graves,  despatched  from  England  to  intercept  and  fight  us  if 
possible,  reached  New  York  on  the  13th,  shipped  more 
sailors,  and  appeared  before  our  roadstead  on  the  17th.  Had 
he  got  here  before  us  he  would  have  occupied  Ehode  Island, 
and  we  could  have  entered  it  only  after  a  fight  in  which  we 
should  certainly  have  lost  our  convoy,  whatever  gains  we 
might  otherwise  have  made. 

I  can  tell  you  nothing,  my  dear  father,  about  our  cam- 
paign, for  I  know  nothing.  We  wish  to  join  General  Wash- 
ington, who  is  only  25  miles  from  New  York,  because  we 


1780]  COUNT  AXEL  FEUSEN.  25 

think  that  is  the  only  means  of  operating  and  doing  something. 
I  do  not  know  if  this  junction  can  be  made.  Meantime  we 
are  blockaded  by  twenty  sail,  ten  of  which  are  ships  of  the 
line.  They  come  in  daily  very  near  the  coast;  it  is  said 
they  will  do  nothing,  and  I  believe  it.  We  are  expecting 
General  Clinton  at  any  moment ;  he  sailed  from  New  York 
with  10,000  men ;  we  are  ready  to  receive  him,  all  disposi- 
tions are  made;  I  hope  he  may  come,  but  I  can  hardly 
believe  he  would  commit  such  folly. 

Newport,  September  8,  1780. 

No  event  since  my  last.  We  have  not  left  our  island ; 
we  occupy  it  peacefully,  and  with  the  best  order,  in  a  very 
healthy  camp,  well  placed  and  perfectly  well  trenched ;  the 
works  are  not  yet  finished,  but  they  are  going  on.  The 
strictest  discipline  is  maintained ;  nothing  is  taken  from  the 
inhabitants  except  by  their  free  will  and  for  ready  money ; 
we  have  not  yet  had  a  single  complaint  against  the  troops. 
Such  discipline  is  admirable  and  astonishes  the  inhabitants, 
who  are  accustomed  to  the  pillage  of  the  English  and  even 
of  their  own  troops.  The  greatest  confidence  and  the  best 
harmony  are  established  between  the  two  nations;  if  that 
could  suffice  for  the  success  of  our  expedition  we  might  feel 
sure  of  it. 

For  the  last  four  or  five  days  we  are  no  longer  blockaded. 
We  are  expecting  every  moment  news  from  Jamaica ;  if  that 
is  taken  I  fear  we  shall  not  have  much  to  do  here.  General 
Sir  George  Clinton,  who  commands  in  New  York,  is  still  in 
Long  Island  with  twenty  thousand  men,  where  he  has  made 
a  great  provision  of  wood  and  commissariat  supplies.  He 
seems  determined  to  pass  the  winter  there.  I  fear  much 
that  we  shall  pass  ours  here ;  I  shall  be  consoled  if  we  be- 
gin a  campaign  in  the  spring.     Our  army  is  in  the  best  con- 


26  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OP  [chap.  h. 

Jit  ion ;  officers  and  soldiers,  all  are  full  of  good-will,  and 
ardour  for  the  common  cause.  From  time  to  time  there  are 
trifling  squabbles, — that  is  inevitable;  but  the  order  and 
discipline  which  reign  are  admirable,  especially  among  the 
French  troops.  That  proves  that  they  only  need  a  good 
leader.  We  have  not  yet  begun  to  manoeuvre,  but  we  shall 
begin  in  a  few  days. 

You  know  Frenchmen,  my  dear  father,  and  what  are 
called  courtiers  enough  to  judge  of  the  despair  of  our  young 
men  of  that  class,  who  see  themselves  obliged  to  pass  the 
winter  tranquilly  in  Newport  far  from  their  mistresses  and 
the  pleasures  of  Paris;  no  suppers,  no  theatres,  no  balls; 
they  are  in  despair ;  nothing  but  an  order  to  march  on  the 
enemy  could  console  them.  We  have  had  excessive  heat 
throughout  the  month  of  August ;  I  have  never  felt  the  like 
in  Italy.  Now  the  air  is'  cooler;  the  climate  is  superb,  and 
the  country  charming. 

The  general  went  upon  the  mainland  a  week  ago.  I  was 
the  only  one  of  the  aides-de-camp  who  accompanied  him. 
We  stayed  two  days  and  saw  one  of  the  finest  regions  in  the 
world, — well-cultivated,  situations  charming,  inhabitants 
prosperous,  but  without  luxury  or  display;  they  content 
themselves  with  mere  necessaries,  which,  in  other  lands,  is 
the  lot  of  the  lower  classes ;  their  clothes  are  simple,  but 
good,  and  their  morals  have  not  yet  been  spoiled  by  the 
luxury  of  Europeans.  It  is  a  country  which  will  surely  be 
very  happy  if  it  can  enjoy  a  long  peace,  and  if  the  two 
political  parties  which  now  divide  it  do  not  make  it  suffer 
the  fate  of  Poland  and  so  many  other  republics.  These  two 
parties  are  called  "  Whig"  and  "Tory  :"  the  first  is  wholly 
for  freedom  and  independence ;  it  is  composed  of  men  of  low 
extraction  who  own  no  property ;  the  greater  part  of  the  in- 
habitants of  the  country  belong  to  it.    The  u  Tories  "  are  for 


l?l& 


1780]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  27 

the  English,  or,  to  be  more  correct,  for  peace,  without  caring 
much  about  freedom  or  independence.  These  are  persons  of 
a  more  distinguished  class,  the  only  ones  who  own  property 
in  America ;  some  have  relatives  and  property  in  England ; 
others,  to  preserve  what  they  have  in  this  pountry,  take  the 
English  side,  which  is  the  stronger.  When  the  Whigs  are 
the  stronger  they  pillage  the  others  as  much  as  they  can. 
That  excites  between  them  a  hatred  and  animosity  which 
can  be  extinguished  only  with  much  difficulty,  and  will 
always  be  the  germ  of  great  trouble. 

Newport,  September  14, 1780. 

I  have  no  news  that  is  very  interesting  or  very  good  for  us 
to  send  you.  There  is  some  that  is  very  grievous  to  us :  the 
defeat  of  General  Gates  by  Lord  Cornwallis  in  South  Caro- 
lina on  the  10th  of  August.  The  American  general  had 
advanced  imprudently;  he  was  attacked;  half  his  troops 
were  killed,  the  other  half  captured;  he  himself  escaped 
with  one  aide-de-camp.  As  yet  we  have  no  details  of  the 
affair.  M.  de  Kochambeau  received  the  news  by  express  the 
day  before  yesterday,  but  he  has  not  yet  made  the  matter 
public ;  he  does  not  speak  of  it ;  yet  all  the  town  knows  it. 
An  American,  with  whom  I  talked  this  morning,  told  me  he 
had  seen  a  letter  written  to  a  member  of  the  council,  in 
which  the  writer  said  that  the  militia  under  General  Gates 
all  went  over  to  the  English  at  the  beginning  of  the  action. 
If  that  is  true,  what  reliance  can  be  placed  on  such  troops  ? 
a  brave  man  is  much  to  be  pitied  for  having  to  command 
them. 

This,  my  dear  father,  is  our  present  situation ;  it  is  not  gay  ; 

we  must  hope  it  will  change  before  the  arrival  of  our  second 

division,  which  we  are  expecting  with  the  greatest  impatience 

The  garrison  of  Newport  is  becoming  very  melancholy. 
Ver.  8  3  Mem. 


28  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  n. 

Newport,  October  16,  1780. 

This  is  the  first  safe  opportunity  I  have  had  for  a  long 
time  to  write  to  you,  my  dear  father.  I  am  certain  this 
letter  will  reach  you,  and  without  being  read ;  it  goes  by  a 
frigate  that  M.  de  Eochambeau  is  sending  to  Europe.  The 
Due  de  Lauzun  sends  one  of  his  servants  in  it,  who  promises 
to  deliver  my  letter  to  Count  Creutz,  to  whom  I  write  by  the 
same  opportunity.  An  officer  is  to  be  sent  to  France  in  this 
frigate  to  give  an  account  of  the  state  and  situation  of  the 
army  and  of  our  dear  allies,  both  of  which  are  bad  enough. 
We  do  not  know  who  will  be  charged  with  this  commission; 
every  one  names  me ;  several  of  the  general  officers,  M.  de 
Chastellux  and  the  Baron  de  Viomesnil  have  spoken  of  me 
as  one  who  could  carry  out  the  intentions  of  the  general  in 
this  respect.  I  do  not  know  what  will  be  the  result ;  I  shall 
take  no  steps  to  obtain  the  appointment,  neither  should  I 
refuse  it  if  the  general  were  to  offer  it  to  me.  Nevertheless, 
I  would  much  rather  not  be  selected  for  this  service. 
Something  interesting  might  happen  during  my  absence,  and 
I  should  be  in  despair  at  having  missed  it. 

Our  position  here  is  very  disagreeable.  "We  vegetate  at 
the  gate  of  the  enemy,  in  the  saddest  and  most  dreadful  idle- 
ness and  inactivity ;  we  are  compelled  to  take,  owing  to  our 
small  numbers,  the  wearisome  role  of  the  defensive ;  we  are 
of  no  use  whatever  to  our  allies ;  we  cannot  quit  our  island 
without  exposing  our  fleet  to  be  taken  or  destroyed ;  in  fact, 
our  fleet  could  not  get  out  without  delivering  us  up  to  the 
enemy,  who,  vastly  superior  in  vessels  and  men,  would  not 
fail  to  attack  us  and  cut  off  our  retreat  to  the  continent. 
English  vessels,  more  or  less  large,  continue  to  reconnoitre 
us  closely ;  we  dare  not  attack  them,  for  they  have  other  ves- 
sels stationed  at  Gardner's  Island,  twenty  miles  to  the  south- 
west, andVe  can  nearly  always  count  fifteen  or  twenty  sail 


1780]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  29 

of  the  English  fleet  in  the  offing.  So  long  as  we  are  not  the 
stronger  of  the  two  we  shall  be  obliged  to  stay  where  we  are, 
unless  we  decide  to  send  away  the  fleet  and  abandon  Ehode 
Island  to  the  English.     The  one  would  follow  the  other. 

Far  from  being  useful  to  the  Americans  we  are  only  a 
burden  upon  them;  we  do  not  reinforce  their  army,  for  we 
are  twelve  days'  march  away  from  it,  and  separated  by  arms 
of  the  sea  which  cannot  be  crossed  in  winter  on  account  of 
the  drifting  ice.  We  are  even  an  expense  to  them,  because, 
in  consuming  so  much  we  make  provisions  scarce,  and  by 
paying  ready  money  we  bring  down  the  value  of  paper  and 
thus  deprive  the  army  of  General  Washington  of  its  facilities 
for  subsistence,  which  the  dealers  now  refuse  to  sell  for 
paper  money.  Our  condition  as  to  money  is  not  any  better 
than  our  military  position.  We  brought  with  us  two  million 
six  hundred  thousand  francs,  half  of  which  is  in  ready 
money,  and  the  remainder  is  in  letters  of  exchange  on  a 
banker  in  Philadelphia,  M.  Holcher.  We  ought  to  have 
brought  the  double  of  this.  This  want  of  specie,  in  a  nation 
where  one  always  needs  to  have  money  in  hand,  forces  us  to 
great  economy ;  whereas  what  is  needed  is  magnificence  and 
profusion.  This  ruins  our  credit.  The  forage  department 
has  been  neglected  and  left  in  the  hands  of  a  commissary, 
who  relied  on  the  contractors ;  the  latter  did  not  view  the 
matter  in  a  military  way ;  they  consulted  their  own  interests 
solely,  and  instead  of  storing  the  forage  of  the  island  and  for 
thirty  or  forty  miles  round  it,  which  is  easy  to  transport,  they 
used  that  first,  and  kept  the  more  distant  supplies  for  winter. 
God  knows  how  we  shall  get  them ;  we  have  twice  been  two 
days  without  forage,  obliged,  each  of  us,  to  buy  it  where 
we  could. 

The  generals  are  not  agreed  among  themselves.  The 
whole  army  is  discouraged  at  staying  here  so  long  with  noth* 


30  DIARY  AND,  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap,  it 

ing  to  do.  The  second  division  has  not  arrived ;  without  it 
we  can  do  nothing,  or  at  least  not  much.  M.  de  Eocham- 
beau  has  sent  a  report  of  his  condition  to  France  with  a  re- 
quest for  the  increase  of  his  forces,  both  in  men  and  money. 
We  shall  see  what  will  be  the  result. 

I  went  with  M.  de  Eochambeau,  about  two  weeks  ago,  to 
Hartford,  which  is  forty  leagues  from  here.  We  were  six  in 
party :  the  general,  the  admiral,  the  chief  of  the  engineers, 
the  Yicomte  de  Eochambeau  the  (general's  son),  and  two  aides- 
de-camp,  of  whom  I  was  one.  An  interview  was  to  take 
place  with  General  Washington.  M.  de  Eochambeau  sent 
me  in  advance  to  announce  his  arrival,  and  I  had  time  to 
see  that  illustrious,  not  to  say  unique,  man  of  our  era.  His 
noble  and  majestic,  but  at  the  same  time  gentle  and  honest 
face  agrees  perfectly  with  his  moral  qualities ;  he  has  the  air 
of  a  hero;  he  is  very  cold,  speaks  little,  but  is  polite  and 
civiL  An  air  of  sadness  pervades  his  whole  countenance, 
which  is  not  unbecoming  to  him,  and  makes  him  the  more 
interesting.  His  suite  was  more  numerous  than  ours:  the 
Marquis  de  Lafayette,  General  Knox,  chief  of  artillery,  M. 
de  Gouvion,  a  Frenchman,  chief  of  engineers,  and  six  aides- 
de-camp  in  attendance.  He  had,  besides,  an  escort  of  twenty 
dragoons ;  which  was  necessary,  for  he  had  to  cross  a  region 
full  of  the  enemy,  and  as  there  are  no  post-houses  in  this 
country  one  is  obliged  to  travel  with  one's  own  horses,  and 
nearly  always  on  horseback  on  account  of  the  bad  roads. 
However,  on  this  occasion,  all  were  in  carriages,  except  the 
two  aides-de-camp.  It  took  us  three  days  to  reach  Hartford ; 
General  Washington  the  same.  On  the  way  we  heard  of  the 
arrival  of  Eodney's  fleet  at  New  York,  but  we  continued  our 
journey.  The  two  generals  and  the  admiral  were  shut  up 
together  during  the  whole  day  we  stayed  at  Hartford.  The 
Marquis  de  Lafayette  was  called  in  as  interpreter,  for  Gen- 


1780]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  31 

eral  Washington  can  neither  speak  French  nor  understand 
it.  They  separated  very  well  pleased  with  one  another ;  at 
least  they  said  so. 

It  was  on  his  way  baek  from  there  that  General  Washing- 
ton heard  of  General  Arnold's  treachery.  The  latter  was 
one  of  his  best  generals ;  he  had  two  balls  through  his  body 
and  his  conduct  was  always  excellent.  General  Clinton  had 
bribed  him ;  he  agreed  to  deliver  up  West  Point,  where  he 
commanded.  Major  Andre*,  chief  aide-de-camp  to  General 
Clinton,  went  to  West  Point,  disguised  as  a  countryman,  to 
examine  the  fortifications,  and  agree  as  to  the  manner  of 
attacking  and  the  way  by  which  General  Arnold  should 
retreat  in  order  to  cause  no  suspicion.  A  frigate  was  waiting 
for  the  aide-de-camp  in  the  Hudson  River,  and  a  boat  was  to 
be  at  a  spot  agreed  upon.  After  arranging  everything  with 
General  Arnold,  Major  Andre*  went  to  take  the  boat,  but 
could  not  find  it.  The  frigate  had  been  obliged  to  change 
her  position  as  the  guns  of  West  Point  fired  upon  her.  She 
was  now  lying  five  miles  farther  down  the  river.  Major 
Andre",  ignorant  of  this,  fancied  he  could  reach  New  York 
by  land.  He  was  arrested  by  a  party  of  countrymen,  who 
were  patrolling  that  region  very  carefully,  on  account  of  the 
passing  of  General  Washington.  He  (Andre)  showed  his 
passport,  given  him  by  General  Arnold;  they  doubted  its 
authenticity  and,  in  spite  of  all  the  offers  he  made  to  them, 
they  took  him  to  the  army. 

At  this  same  moment  General  Washington  arrived  at 
West  Point  from  Hartford.  He  sent  his  aides-de-camp  to 
General  Arnold  to  say  that  he  would  dine  with  him,  and 
meantime  was  going  himself  to  inspect  the  forts.  The  aides- 
de-camp  found  Arnold  at  breakfast  with  his  wife.  A  mo- 
ment after  they  were  seated  some  one  came  and  whispered 
into  the  general's  ear ;  on  which  he  rose,  said  a  word  in 


32  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  „. 

• 

a  low  voice  to  his  wife,  and  went  out.  The  words  were, 
■  Good-bye  forever."  The  wife  fainted.  The  aides-de-camp 
succoured  her  without  knowing  what  was  the  matter ; 
but  a  few  moments  later  a  courier  arrived  with  the  news 
for  General  Washington.  They  pursued  the  traitor,  but  it 
was  then  too  late.  If  the  English  had  succeeded  in  seizing 
West  Point  they  would  have  been  masters  of  the  whole  Hud- 
son Eiver ;  they  could  have  prevented  all  communication  and 
junction  of  our  forces  with  those  of  the  Americans  (unless 
by  a  very  great  de*tour)  and  Washington,  who  is  camped  at 
Orange-town,  between  West  Point  and  New  York,  would 
have  been  between  two  fires  and  certainly  destroyed  before 
we  could  get  to  his  assistance.  It  might,  perhaps,  have  been 
all  over  for  America,  and  we,  ourselves,  would  have  had  the 
shame  of  coming  here  to  be  mere  spectators  of  the  ruin  of 
our  allies.  Our  own  position  would  have  been  no  better,  for 
the  English,  no  longer  fearing  the  Americans,  would  have 
turned  all  their  forces  against  us,  and  we  are  not  strong 
enough  to  resist  them.  Happily,  the  thing  failed.  They  say 
that  Major  Andre"  has  been  hanged.  That  is  a  pity  ;  he  was 
a  young  man  twenty-four  years  of  age,  with  great  talent. 
The  general  has  no  news  of  this,  and  I  hope  it  is  false. 

I  have  already  told  you,  my  dear  father,  that  I  am  particu- 
larly intimate  with  the  Due  de  Lauzun.  Opinions  are  di- 
vided about  him.  You  will  hear  both  good  and  harm ;  the 
first  is  right,  the  second  is  wrong ;  if  people  knew  him,  they 
would  change  their  ideas  and  do  justice  to  his  heart.  He 
has  taken  a  friendship  for  me,  and  proposes,  in  the  most 
courteous  manner  in  the  world,  that  I  shall  accept  the  place 
of  colonel,  commanding  his  legion,  which  is  vacant ;  and  he 
wishes  to  cede  the  proprietorship  to  me  a  year  hence,  at 
which  time  he  intends  to  retire  from  service.  His  legion 
has  one  thousand  infantry  and  three  hundred  hussars,  with  a 


1780]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  33 

few  small  pieces  of  artillery.  The  proposal  is  too  agreeable 
and  too  advantageous  to  me  to  be  refused.  The  Due  de 
Lauzun  has  written  about  it  to  the  queen,  who  has  much 
kindness  for  him ;  she  has  a  little  for  me  also,  and  I  have 
written  to  her;  I  hope  that  the  frigate  which  brings  back 
her  answer  will  bring  me  also  my  brevet.  Lauzun  assures 
me  there  can  be  no  difficulty. 

Newport,  October  26, 1780. 

You  have  already  heard  of  General  Gates'  defeat  in  the 
South.  I  wrote  you  about  it.  Congress  has  just  recalled  him 
to  Philadelphia  and  has  given  the  command  of  his  corps  to 
General  Greene.  He  is  suspected,  because  he  was  closely 
allied  with  Arnold.  It  seems  that  his  defeat  has  had  no 
further  results.  All  is  quiet.  Two  battalions  of  grenadiers 
and  chasseurs,  with  detachments  from  other  regiments,  have 
just  been  embarked,  to  the  number  of  four  thousand,  at  New 
York  for  service  in  the  South.  A  fleet  has  arrived  at  New 
York  from  Cork  in  Ireland,  laden  with  provisions,  of  which 
they  were  beginning  to  be  in  great  want.  The  same  fleet 
brings  four  thousand  recruits,  both  English  and  Hessians. 
What  a  war  this  is  for  the  English  !  —  obliged  to  bring  every- 
thing, even  subsistence !  That  Power  must  have  great  re- 
sources to  be  able  to  maintain  the  war  so  long. 

Newport,  November  13, 1780. 

The  frigate  that  carried  our  letters  sailed  on  the  28th 
of  last  month ;  on  the  27th  we  had  seen  a  fleet  of  thirteen 
vessels  of  war,  but  not  seeing  them  the  next  morning,  and 
hearing  that  they  had  steered  east,  three  of  our  frigates  left 
port ;  I  do  not  know  the  destination  of  the  two  others. 

The  affair  of  Arnold  has  had  no  results.  Poor  Major 
Andrd,  a  young  man  twenty-eight  years  of  age,  of  the 
highest  promise,  a  friend  of  General    Clinton,  has  been 


34  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  ii. 

hanged.  The  sight  touched  the  whole  army ;  arid  the  two 
officers  whom  General  Washington  gave  him  as  a  guard  of 
honour  to  attend  his  execution  had  not  the  strength  to  fol- 
low him. 

General  Gates,  of  whose  defeat  you  have  read  in  the 
gazette,  was  recalled  to  Philadelphia;  they  say  that  Con- 
gress suspects  him,  because  of  his  intimate  relations  with 
Arnold,  and  that  this  is  the  cause  of  his  recall.  The  three 
States  of  New  York,  Connecticut,  and  Massachusetts  have 
just  named  General  Washington  dictator,  with  absolute 
power  over  military  affairs.  It  is  thought  that  the  ten  other 
States  will  do  the  same.  This  determination  will  give 
vigour  to  affairs,  by  changing  their  aspect  and  rousing  the 
sluggish  indolence  of  the  Americans.  Fourteen  Spanish  and 
nine  French  vessels  have  just  captured  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Madeira  a  convoy  of  fifty  ships,  coming  partly  from  the 
Indies  and  partly  from  the  Isles,  and  richly  laden. 

Our  war  is  not  more  active  than  it  has  been.  There  is  talk 
of  a  little  advantage  gained  by  the  Americans  over  the 
English ;  the  news  is  not  sure,  and  I  doubt  it.  Of  the  six 
thousand  men  embarked  at  New  York  (nearly  all  grena- 
diers and  chasseurs),  three  thousand  have  already  been 
landed  in  the  Chesapeake  Bay.  It  is  said  that  General  Clin- 
ton goes  with  the  rest.  This  is  undoubtedly  an  expedition  to 
the  South,  either  to  seize  North  Carolina  and  Virginia  or  do 
them  as  much  injury  as  possible.  It  will  meet  with  little 
resistance.  The  American  corps  oVarmee  stationed  there  is 
only  four  thousand  strong,  with  a  few  militia  who  cannot  be 
relied  on.  Half,  or  perhaps  three-fourths,  of  the  four  thou- 
sand finish  their  time  of  service  in  January,  which  reduces 
that  army  to  nothing.  General  Washington  cannot  quit  the 
position  he  has  taken  without  abandoning  to  the  English  the 
'whole  course  of  the  Hudson  River  and  its  adjacent  territory ; 


1780]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  35 

and  we,  for  want  of  sufficient  means,  cannot  quit  our  island, 
where  we  are  forced  to  stay  like  an  oyster  in  its  shell.  The 
English  will  therefore  have  full  liberty  to  act  as  they  please 
in  the  South ;  they  have  a  garrison  of  six  thousand  men  in 
Charleston,  from  which  they  can  reinforce  their  army,  and 
one-half  of  the  country  is  for  them.  Their  position  is  a  fine 
one,  if  they  know  how  to  profit  by  it ,  ours  is  disheartening 
if  it  does  not  change. 

M.  de  Rochambeau  has  just  sent  the  Lauzun  legion  into 
quarters  on  the  main  land  twenty-nine  miles  from  here. 
The  lack  of  forage  made  this  necessary.  The  Due  de  Lauzun 
treats  me  with  the  same  friendship ;  he  talks  to  me  inces- 
santly of  my  affair,  and  says  how  happy  he  shall  be  when 
he  can  hand  over  to  me  the  proprietorship  of  his  legion ;  he 
wants  no  money  for  it,  and  when  I  spoke  of  it  he  replied : 
"  I  do  not  sell  men  —  though  I  have  bought  them  some- 
times ;  besides,  I  pay  myself  in  finding  a  man  to  whom  I 
can  leave  my  corps,  whom  1  love  as  my  children,  with  the 
confidence  that  I  place  in  you."  His  manner  in  saying  this 
was  perfect  and  shows  the  man.  The  hope  of  the  speedy 
success  of  this  plan  enchants  me  and  makes  me  happy. 

Newport,  December  7,  1780. 
You  see,  my  dear  father,  that  we  are  still  in  Newport ; 
we  do  not  even  think  of  leaving  it.  We  are  living  tran- 
quilly in  winter-quarters.  Washington's  army  went  into 
theirs  two  weeks  ago.  Admiral  Rodney  has  returned  to  the 
Isles  with  his  ten  vessels ;  we  now  have  Arbuthnot  here 
with  seven  ships  of  the  line  and  three  or  four  frigates. 
Affairs  at  the  South  are  going  well ;  Colonel  Ferguson  has 
just  been  defeated  by  the  Americans ;  his  corps  of  fourteen 
hundred  men  was  almost  destroyed ;  this  has  obliged  Lord 
Cornwallis,  who    commands  the  English    troops   in  that 


36  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  ii. 

region,  to  retire  to  Charleston,  with  his  corps  of  four  thou- 
sand men,  most  of  whom  are  dying  of  fatigue  and  disease. 
The  English  had  sent  Brigadier-general  Leslie  with  twenty- 
rive  hundred  men  to  join  Cornwallis.  By  a  letter  from 
that  officer  to  Lord  Cornwallis,  which  was  intercepted,  we 
learn  that  he  landed  his  troops  at  Portsmouth,  Virginia, 
where  he  was  awaiting  orders  for  the  junction.  Apparently 
it  will  not  be  made,  in  view  of  the  retreat  of  Cornwallis ;  it 
is  even  said  that  Leslie  is  returning  to  New  York. 

Before  going  into  winter-quarters  General  Washington 
wished  to  make  a  descent  on  Staten  Island ;  he  wanted  to 
draw  the  attention  of  the  English  to  that  side  while  he 
made  a  forage  around  Kingsbridge ;  but  they  were  not  mis- 
led by  it ;  all  their  posts  on  Staten  Island  had  been 
strengthened,  and  he  therefore  abandoned  the  project. 
M.  de  Eochambeau  has  just  made  a  little  journey  of  six 
days  on  the  mainland.  I  went  with  him;  we  were  only 
three,  and  we  did  not  see  a  fine  country  or  pleasant 
people;  they  were,  as  a  rule,  lazy  and  selfish;  how  is  it 
possible  with  those  two  qualities,  to  make  them  useful  in 

war? 

Newport,  January  9,  1781. 

Nothing  new  as  to  our  military  operations,  my  dear  father. 
It  seems  that  we  are  all,  on  both  sides,  on  the  defensive,  and 
it  is  very  difficult  to  know  who  will  begin  the  next  campaign ; 
it  will  probably  depend  on  the  arrival  of  reinforcements  from 
Europe  :  whoso  receives  the  first  will,  it  seems  to  me,  profit 
by  that  advantage  to  attack  the  other.  If  the  reinforcements 
which,  they  say,  are  intended  for  us  in  France,  are  really 
coming,  we  shall  have,  at  any  rate  for  a  moment,  the 
superiority  at  sea.  That  is  the  only  means  of  operating  and 
of  ending  a  war  both  long  and  ruinous.  As  long  as  we  are 
not  masters  of  the  sea  we  may  prevent  the  English  from 


1781]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  37 

penetrating  into  the  interior,  but  nothing  obliges  them  to 
leave  the  coast ;  their  commerce  will  continue  to  flourish, 
and  will  furnish  them  means  of  subsistence,  which  they 
would  lack  without  it.  So  long  as  they  are  masters  of 
Quebec,  Halifax,  New  York,  Charleston,  and  Jamaica,  they 
will  not  make  peace ;  they  will  do  so  only  when  their  com- 
merce is  ruined  and  one  or  two  of  those  places  are  captured. 
We  missed  the  chance  of  taking  Jamaica  this  year,  and 
I  do  not  believe  it  will  ever  come  again.  The  reinforce- 
ments which,  they  say,  are  preparing  for  us  in  France  are 
eight  ships  of  war,  —  one  of  one  hundred  and  ten  guns,  three 
of  eighty  guns,  three  of  seventy  guns,  and  one  of  sixty-four 
guns.  We  do  not  know  the  number  of  troops.  This  news 
reached  us  by  a  merchant  ship  which  came  from  Nantes  to 
Boston  in  thirty-eight  days.  Since  we  have  been  here  we 
have  had  no  letters.  Such  forgetfulness  of  the  minister,  or 
the  ministry,  is  unpardonable. 

The  campaign  in  the  South  seems  more  active  than  ours 
at  the  North.  ...  It  is  said  that  Cornwallis's  army  is  sur- 
rounded at  Camden ;  that  it  suffers  much  from  sickness  and 
from  hunger,  being  now  reduced  to  eat  its  horses;  this 
rumour  needs  confirmation.  That  of  the  embarkation  of 
twenty-five  hundred  men  from  New  York  for  the  South  is 
more  certain.  Their  destination  seems  to  be  to  join  another 
corps  of  the  same  size  off  Cape  Fear,  march  from  there  to 
Camden,  relieve  Cornwallis  if  he  is  hemmed  in,  join  him, 
and  begin  operations.  If  this  junction  is  effected,  and  it 
can  scarcely  fail,  the  South  is  lost ;  the  Americans  have 
no  army  there;  the  one  they  had  was  destroyed  under 
General  Gates,  the  little  that  remains  of  it  does  not  de- 
serve the  name  of  army ;  the  men  are  without  coats,  shoes, 
or  arms;  there  is  nothing  to  oppose  well-disciplined  and 
veteran  troops  but  raw  militia,  who  are  assembled  only 


38  DIARY  AND   CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  ii. 

when  danger  is  imminent,  nnd  who  ran  away  when  it 
becomes  great. 

That  is  the  state  of  affairs  at  the  South ;  ours  are  not 
much  better.  We  are  forced  to  be  tranquil  spectators  of  the 
loss  of  that  part  of  America,  and  we  cannot  do  otherwise. 
I  have  not  yet  travelled  through  the  country ;  many  officers 
of  the  army  have  done  so  ;  I  await  their  return ;  what  they 
have  seen  and  the  mistakes  they  have  made  will  be  useful 
to  me  ;  I  await  the  month  of  March. 

The  different  States  of  America  have  passed  a  resolution 
to  raise  an  army  of  twenty  thousand  men  for  three  years ; 
the  assessment  to  each  State  has  been  made,  and  minds  are 
again  excited.  They  hope  to  get  the  new  recruits  by 
March  1.  I  desire  it,  but  I  am  not  convinced  it  will  be 
done.  Some  will  be  enlisted  for  three  years,  others  for  the 
whole  war ;  but  neither  will  serve  for  nothing ;  and  it  will 
be  by  very  large  pledges  only  that  they  will  succeed  in  fill- 
ing up  the  regiments.  Money  is  scarce ;  in  fact,  there  is 
none ;  the  taxes  do  not  suffice ;  no  credit,  no  resources. 
This  is  the  moment  when  we  might  be  of  some  use  to  them, 
and  redeem  our  idle  and  useless  campaign  by  furnishing  the 
money  and  clothes  of  which  they  are  in  need ;  but  we  our- 
selves are  in  danger  of  needing  both  if  no  supplies  are  sent 
from  France,  and  of  being  reduced  to  the  mortifying  ex- 
pedient of  paying  our  troops  with  paper  money. 

You  see,  my  dear  father,  from  this  statement,  which  is 
strictly  correct,  the  reasons  which  prevent  the  formation  of 
an  army,  which  can  only  be  raised  and  maintained  by  force 
of  money.  Add  to  this  that  the  spirit  of  patriotism  exists 
only  in  the  leaders  and  principal  people  of  the  country,  who 
are  making  the  greatest  sacrifices  ;  the  others,  who  form  the 
greater  number,  think  solely  of  their  personal  interests. 
Money  is  the  prime  mover  of  all  their  actions ;  they  think 


1781]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  39 

only  of  means  to  gain  it ;  each  is  for  himself,  and  none 
are  for  the  public  good.  The  inhabitants  along  the  coast, 
even  the  best  Whigs,  carry  provisions  of  all  kinds  to 
the  English  fleet  which  is  anchored  in  Gardner's  Bay ;  and 
that  because  the  English  pay  them  welL  They  fleece  us 
pitilessly ;  the  price  of  everything  is  exorbitant ;  in  all  the 
dealings  that  we  have  with  them  they  treat  us  more  like 
enemies  than  friends.  Their  cupidity  is  unequalled ;  money 
is  their  god  ;  virtue,  honour,  seem  nothing  to  them  compared 
to  the  precious  metal.  I  do  not  mean  that  there  are  no 
estimable  people  whose  character  is  equally  noble  and 
generous,  —  there  are  many ;  but  I  speak  of  the  nation  in 
general ;  I  think  it  is  derived  more  from  the  Dutch  than 
from  the  English. 

That,  my  dear  father,  is  my  opinion  on  this  country,  on  its 
inhabitants,  and  on  this  war ;  it  conforms  to  that  of  persons 
who  are  more  enlightened  and  in  a  better  position  to  see  and 
to  judge  than  I  am.  With  more  troops,  ships,  and  much 
money,  all  may  be  changed  ;  but  if  the  government  does  not 
send  us  enough  of  the  latter  article  for  our  needs  and  that 
of  our  allies,  nothing  is  repaired,  and  the  French  ministry 
will  have  crowned  its  folly. 

We  have  just  received  some  very  sad  news ;  that  of  the 
desertion  of  the  Pennsylvania  "  line  "  —  that  is  what  they  call 
the  twenty-five  hundred  men  raised  in  that  State ;  they  went 
over  to  the  English  because  of  their  discontent  at  lacking 
everything.  They  had  neither  coats  nor  shoes;  and  they 
were  left  without  food  for  four  days.  There  is  a  rumour  that 
on  the  way  they  thought  better  of  it  and  returned  to  their 
duty,  sending  six  sergeants  to  negotiate  with  Congress  the 
terms  on  which  they  were  willing  to  do  their  duty  ;  this  last 
rumour  lacks  confirmation.  However  it  may  be,  this  deser- 
tion sets  a  very  dangerous  example;  it  proves  how  little 


40  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  ii. 

reliance  can  be  placed  on  such  troops.  We  have  no  fresh 
news  from  the  South,  and  are  ignorant  of  what  is  going  on 
there. 

Newport,  January  14, 1781. 

We  have  received  details  of  two  little  affairs  at  the  South 
in  which  the  Americans  had  the  advantage.  It  was  only 
the  repulse  of  small  detachments.  The  Pennsylvania  "  line  " 
did  not  go  over  to  the  English ;  it  has  taken  up  a  very  strong 
position  at  Morristown.  All  has  been  done  in  the  greatest 
order.  Sergeants  are  the  leaders ;  they  have  no  officers.  They 
keep  guard  perfectly ;  they  send  about  the  country  to  get  the 
supplies  they  want,  giving  receipts,  which  they  say  that 
Congress  will  pay.  General  Clinton  sent  two  spies  to  them 
with  a  letter  in  which  he  offered  to  give  them  the  fourteen 
months'  pay  now  due  to  them,  a  present  of  money  besides, 
also  new  clothes,  and  pay  them  in  future  the  same  that  the 
English  soldiers  receive.  He  promised  to  keep  them  a  corps 
apart  in  the  British  army,  commanded  by  their  own  officers  ; 
and  to  their  leaders  he  promised  ranks  and  considerable 
rewards.  In  spite  of  all  these  promises  they  arrested  his 
spies  and  hanged  them.  Congress  has  just  sent  three  of  its 
members  to  treat  with  them,  and  they  have  appointed  six  of 
their  sergeants  charged  with  powers  to  negotiate.  They 
demand  the  fourteen  months' 'pay  which  is  due  to  them,  with 
clothes  and  their  future  subsistence.  These  demands  will 
certainly  be  granted ;  but  the  difficulty  is  to  find  the  money ; 
it  can  only  be  found  with  difficulty.  This  is  the  moment 
when  we  ought  to  furnish  it  and  secure  to  the  Americans  all 
that  is  needed  to  suppress  this  mutiny  ;  but  we  have  nothing, 
and  unless  we  receive  immediate  succour  from  France  we 
shall  not  have  enough  a  month  hence  to  pay  our  own  army. 

There  is  a  coolness  between  General  Washington  and 
M.  de  Bochambeau;  the  displeasure  is  on  the  side  of  the 


1781]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  41 

American  general ;  ours  is  ignorant  of  the  cause  of  it.  He 
has  charged  me  with  a  letter  to  take  to  General  Washington  ; 
I  am  also  to  inform  myself  as  to  the  causes  of  this  dis- 
pleasure, and  remove  them  if  possible ;  or,  if  the  matter  is 
more  serious,  to  send  him  an  immediate. report.  So  you  see, 
my  dear  father,  I  am  entering  diplomacy ;  it  is  my  first  at- 
tempt, and  I  shall  try  to  come  well  out  of  it. 

Newport,  April  3, 1781. 

It  is  impossible  to  judge  of  the  campaign  we  are  about  to 
make  here ;  I  cannot  even  form  a  plan  without  first  seeing 
the  turn  that  affairs  are  likely  to  take  after  it.  The  war 
cannot  be  a  long  one, — not  more  than  one,  or  two  campaigns 
at  the  most.  I  even  think  that  if  the  present  one  is  vigorous, 
as  it  seems  likely  to  be,  it  will  be  the  last.  This  country  is 
not  in  a  state  to  support  a  long  war.  It  is  ruined;  no 
money,  no  men ;  if  France  does  not  succour  it  vigorously,  it 
must  make  peace.  Up  to  the  present  moment  we  have  not 
made  great  efforts.  Here  we  are  for  the  last  ten  months  a 
handful  of  men  on  this  little  island ;  we  have  been  of  no  use 
whatever ;  the  South  has  been  devastated  by  the  English ; 
we  can  take  no  troops  there  on  account  of  our  small  number, 
and  if  the  English  conduct  themselves  well  the  whole  South 
will  be  captured ;  discouragement  will  be  the  result  of  such 
a  loss,  and  peace  is  a  sure  consequence. 

We  are  now  expecting  news  from  that  region ;  Lord  Corn- 
wallis,  who  commands  the  English  troops  there,  having 
made  an  imprudent  advance,  was  obliged  to  retreat.  It  is 
said  that  he  had  taken  a  very  favourable  position,  but  that 
he  is  surrounded  by  the  militia  of  the  region,  and  that, 
according  to  all  appearance,  he  may  be  furiously  attacked,  or 
mauled  during  his  retreat.  But  it  is  now  a  whole  month 
that  we  lack  confirmation  of  this  news,  and  I  find  it  hard  to 


42  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  II. 

believe  it.     The  first  news  that"  reaches   us  will  be  very 
interesting. 

I  wrote  you,  my  dear  father,  that  Arnold  had  been  sent  to 
the  bay  of  the  Chesapeake  to  do  all  the  damage  he  possibly 
could.  He  is  there  since  the  month  of  January.  It  was  re- 
solved to  send  down  a  detachment  and  try  to  take  him,  by 
a  combined  operation  with  fifteen  hundred  Americans  under 
the  orders  of  M.  de  Lafayette.  Seventeen  hundred  men 
were  embarked  in  the  fleet,  under  the  command  of  the 
Baron  de  Viomesnil ;  they  started  the  8th  of  March.  I  join 
to  this  letter  a  report  of  what  took  place,  and  of  the  fight 
there ;  you  will  see  that  it  was  not  to  our  disadvantage ;  we 
say  that  we  won  it,  but  we  did  not  win  our  object,  for  the 
English  are  where  we  ought  to  be,  and  we  are  forced  to 
return  here.  Until  now  I  had  always  believed  that  in  war 
a  detachment  was  not  victorious  unless  it  amply  performed 
the  purpose  for  which  it  was  sent.  Two  of  our  vessels  were 
so  battered  that  when  M.  Destouches  made  the  signal  to 
renew  the  battle,  those  two  vessels  signalled  that  they  were 
considerably  disabled.  Only  four  of  the  English  vessels 
were  closely  engaged;  the  others  fired  from  a  distance. 
The  number  of  our  dead  and  wounded  amounts  to  about 
three  hundred;  only  two  hundred  are  mentioned  in  the 
report.  I  have  corrected  the  gross  blunders  in  one  of  the 
copies  which  I  send  you ;  if  one  tried  to  correct  all  it  would 
have  to  be  rewritten. 

Newport,  April  11, 1781. 

In  the  South,  the  English,  under  Lord  Cornwallis,  have 
just  won  a  very  ^considerable  advantage 'over  General  Greene, 
who  commands  the  American  army  in  those  parts.  We  do 
not  know  what  results  may  come  from  this  advantage ;  I 
believe,  myself,  there  will  be  none,  except  that  of  rendering 
Cornwallis's  retreat  very  safe.     He  advanced  too  far  into  the 


1781]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  43 

country,  and  supplies  began  to  fail  him.  If  he  gets  no 
other  fruit  than  this  victory  it  is  still  a  great  thing.  I  hear 
him  taxed  by  every  one  with  heedlessness  and  incapacity ; 
but  I  cannot  bring  myself  to  regard  as  a  bad  general  a  man 
who,  up  to  the  present  moment,  has  always  been  successful, 
and  who,  having  advanced  too  far  into  an  enemy's  country, 
surrounded,  they  say,  on  all  sides,  and  certain  of  being  taken, 
begins  a  retreat  in  face  of  the  enemy,  halts  in  a  very  advan- 
tageous position,  beats  the  enemy,  forces  him  to  retire  twenty 
miles  from  the  battle-field,  and  procures  by  doing  so  an  easy 
retreat.  This  war  does  honour  to  the  English,  although 
their  generals  behave  badly  in  America.  I  fear  the  war 
will  not  be  equally  to  our  credit. 

It  seems  that  our  winter  is  quite  over  here :  we  are  now 
enjoying  the  finest  weather  in  the  world ;  it  is  even  very  hot 
at  times. 

Newport,  May  13, 1781. 

Since  my  last,  nothing  has  happened  here.  We  are  still 
tranquilly  in  Newport,  the  English  in  New  York,  and  General 
Washington  at  New  Windsor  on  the  Hudson  River.  God 
knows  when  we  shall  get  out  of  this  position ;  it  is  very  long 
since  we  got  into  it.  The  campaign  at  the  South  is  ending ; 
summer  is  approaching,  and  at  that  season  all  military  opera- 
tions are  impossible  without  a  very  considerable  loss  of  men 
from  heat  and  malaria.  As  I  have  already  told  you,  Lord 
Cornwallis  advanced  too  far  into  the  enemy's  territory  and 
was  forced  to  retire.  General  Greene,  with  four  thousand 
soldiers  and  as  many  more  militia,  harassed  his  retreat. 
Lord  Cornwallis  took  up  a  good  position,  waited  for  General 
Greene,  and  fought  him.  All  the  militia,  after  the  first  dis- 
charge, gave  way  and  went  home ;  not  one  of  them  stopped 
until  he  reached  his  own  house.  The  rest  were  repulsed 
and  forced  back  twelve  miles.    Lord  Cornwallis  then  con- 

Ver.  8  4  Mem. 


44  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  ii. 

tinued  his  retreat  to  Camden,  and  thence,  I  suppose,  to 
Charleston,  where  he  will  spend  the  hot  season  and  renew 
the  campaign  in  the  autumn. 

We  are  making  all  our  preparations  to  march ;  every  one 
is  getting  ready  his  equipments.  I  have  already  told  you, 
my  dear  father,  of  what  mine  consist.  My  comrades  have 
canteens  —  supply-boxes;  but  I  thought  that  expense  very 
great  and  useless.  Possibly  I  shall  be  less  comfortable,  but 
no  matter,  it  involved  too  much  expense. 

Newport,  May  17,  1781. 
It  is  impossible  to  form  any  conjecture  about  the  cam- 
paign on  which  we  are  entering ;  nothing  has  transpired  as 
to  the  news  which  our  general  has  received  from  France,  so 
that  we  do  not  know  what  reinforcements  have  been  sent  to 
us ;  some  say  650,  others  1500  men ;  others  again  declare 
that  M.  de  Grasse,  who  went  to  the  West  India  Islands  with 
21  ships  and  10,000  troops,  will  come  here  with  part  of  them 
when  the  wet  season  renders  all  operations  impossible  in 
that  region,  that  is  to  say,  in  the  months  of  July  and  August. 
If  that  were  so,  we  should  at  once  begin  the  siege  of  New 
York,  and  we  might  reasonably  hope  for  success.  Without 
it  the  whole  thing  is  a  chimera  and  an  impossibility,  to  which 
we  have  sacrificed  much.  If  supports  as  considerable  as 
those  I  speak  of  do  not  arrive  we  shall  evacuate  this  island ; 
we  shall  establish  our  storehouses  in  Providence,  where  we 
have  already  sent  part  of  our  artillery  and  army  waggons. 
We  should  then  march  along  the  North  Eiver  and  approach 
New  York  to  threaten  it  and  prevent  General  Clinton  from 
sending  away  detachments.  This  would  give  General  Wash- 
ington the  time  to  go  into  Virginia,  drive  out  Arnold,  and 
destroy  the  settlement  that  the  English  seem  inclined  to 
make  there.    Perhaps   the  Americans  will  remain  before 


J  781]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  45 

New  York  and  we  shall  be  charged  with  the  expedition  to 
Virginia ;  I  should  prefer  that. 

This  was  our  general's  plan  of  campaign  before  the  arrival 
of  the  frigate  which  brought  out  the  new  admiral  and  de- 
spatches from  Court.  Since  then  I  do  not  know  what  changes 
may  have  been  made ;  but  I  think  that,  unless  M.  de  Grasse 
arrives,  there  will  be  none.  There  is  to  be  a  conference 
shortly  between  General  Washington  and  M.  de  Eochambeau 
at  the  same  place  as  that  of  last  year,  namely,  Hartford,  forty 
leagues  from  here.  There  they  will  probably  decide  on  the 
plan  of  campaign.  Provided  it  is  active,  and  something  is 
done,  that  is  all  I  desire.  We  have  had  too  much  inaction, 
mortifying  inaction.  It  would  have  been  more  useful  to 
America  had  we  sent  her  the  money  we  are  costing  the  king 
here;  the  Americans  would  have  employed  it  better.  We 
ought  to  have  had  here  an  army  of  15,000  men;  only  5000 
were  sent,  who  have  been  a  year  in  garrison  in  Newport  and 
of  no  use  whatsoever,  except  to  eat  up  provisions  and  make 
them  dearer.  I  hope  we  shall  soon  get  out  of  this  sloth  and 
be  active. 

I  say  nothing  to  you  about  my  own  affair,  my  dear  father-, 
since  my  last  letter,  in  which  I  spoke  of  it,  nothing  new  has 
taken  place,  or  rather  I  have  heard  no  news  of  it.  I  desire 
it  much,  for  I  begin  to  be  tired  of  being  with  M.  de  Rocham- 
beau.  He  treats  me  with  distinction,  it  is  true,  and  I  feel 
it ;  but  he  is  distrustful  in  a  very  disagreeable  and  sometimes 
insulting  manner.  He  has  more  confidence  in  me  than  in 
my  comrades,  but  even  that  is  paltry;  nor  does  he  show 
more  to  his  general  officers,  who  are  much  displeased,  and  so 
are  the  superior  officers  of  the  army.  They  have,  however, 
the  good  sense  to  conceal  it,  and  to  concur  for  the  good  of 
the  cause. 

We  push  economy  to  such  an  extent  that  we  have  not 


46  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  ii. 

even  one  spy  in  New  York,  because  it  would  cost  us  perhaps 
fifty  louis  a  month ;  we  prefer  to  receive  news  from  General 
Washington,  and  to  leave  to  the  Americans,  who  have  no 
money  to  pay  for  news,  the  duty  of  obtaining  it.  The  spies 
who  are  there  do  it  from  love  of  country.  For  this  reason 
we  get  our  information  very  late,  and  we  shall  end  by  having 
none  at  all,  for  men  soon  weary  of  doing  gratis  a  business 
which  leads  to  the  gallows. 

We  are  preparing  to  march,  but  I  do  not  know  when  we 
shall  really  do  so.  Part  of  the  artillery  munitions  and  the 
heavy  baggage  of  the  army  are  already  stored  in  Providence. 
The  general  officers  are  now  getting  ready  their  own  equip- 
ments. Our  army  is  just  as  little  disciplined  as  a  French 
army  usually  is.  Nevertheless  the  leaders  are  very  severe : 
there  is  seldom  a  day  when  two  or  three  officers  are  not 
under  arrest;  I  have  seen  indecent  scenes  when  a  whole 
corps  deserved  to  be  cashiered,  but  we  are  only  5000  strong 
and  we  cannot  spare  a  man. 

The  fleet  received  orders  yesterday  to  sail,  and  we  supply 
500  men  to  complete  the  crews  of  the  ships;  they  have 
scarcely  any  sailors  left,  so  landsmen  have  to  be  supplied. 
This  puts  the  colonels  in  very  bad  humour,  and  with  reason ; 
it  gives  me  pain,  —  500  men  less,  when  we  have  need  of  all 
our  soldiers !  I  think  the  squadron  is  going  to  meet  the 
convoy  which  they  say  is  on  its  way  to  us. 

Newport,  June  3,  1781. 

At  last  we  depart ;  in  eight  or  ten  days  the  army  will  be 
on  the  march.  This  is  the  result  of  the  conference  between 
the  two  generals.  What  the  plan  of  campaign  is  and  where 
we  are  going  is  a  secret,  and  ought  to  be  one.  I  hope  we 
shall  be  in  active  service,  and  that  they  will  not  make  us 
quit  Newport  only  to  put  us  in  garrison  in  some  other  little 


1781]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  47 

town.  Our  fleet  stays  here,  guarded  by  American  militia 
and  400  of  our  own  troops.  I  pity  those  who  are  selected 
for  this  detachment.  The  whole  army  is  enchanted  to 
depart. 

Nothing  has  happened  in  these  parts  since  my  last.  The 
English  are  making  progress  in  the  South ;  they  burn  or 
plunder  everything ;  but  they  spend  money  and  that  makes 
them  friends ;  before  long  the  whole  of  that  part  of  America 
will  be  conquered;  then  the  English  will  recognize  the 
independence  of  the  Northern  States,  or  at  least,  will  treat 
them  as  independent,  and  will  keep  the  South  for  them- 
selves. Imagine  how  glorious  this  will  be  for  the  arms  of 
France  !  What  confirms  me  in  this  idea  is  that  all  things 
indicate  the  total  evacuation  of  New  York;  they  have  al- 
ready sent  away  several  detachments ;  the  last,  within  a  few 
days,  of  twenty-five  hundred  men.  Moreover,  they  are  ship- 
ping a  great  many  things  at  night,  after  taps,  when  the 
inhabitants  of  the  town  are  not  allowed  to  be  out.  If  they 
totally  evacuate  New  York  to  take  their  forces  south,  they 
do  well.  —  I  am  obliged  to  finish. 

Yorktoww,  October  23,  1781. 

As  I  have  had  no  time  to  write  you  the  slightest  detail  of 
the  siege  I  annex  here  a  little  diary  of  our  operations.  They 
are  over  for  this  year,  and  we  are  going  into  winter-quarters 
in  the  neighbourhood ;  headquarters  will  be  at  Williamsburg, 
a  villanous  little  town  that  looks  more  like  a  village. 

Journal  of  Operations  during  the  Siege  and  Surrender  of 

Yorktoum. 

After  spending  eleven  months  at  Newport  in  total  inac- 
tion, our  army  started  from  there  June  12,  1781,  leaving 
six  hundred  troops,  and  one  thousand  militia,  under  com- 


48  DIARY  AND  COERESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  ii. 

mand  of  M.  de  Choisy,  brigadier-general,  to  defend  the  works 
we  had  made  there,  protect  our  little  squadron  of  eight 
vessels,  and  cover  our  storehouses  in  Providence,  where  we 
had  placed  our  siege  artillery.  The  army  went  by  water 
from  Newport  to  Providence,  and  then  marched  by  land  to 
Philipsburg,  fifteen  miles  from  King's-Bridge,  where  it  ar- 
rived July  6,  and  went  into  camp  on  the  left  of  the  Ameri- 
cans. The  Lauzun  legion  had  all  along  covered  our  left 
flank,  marching  eight  or  ten  miles  apart  from  us  on  the  sea 
side.  Our  army  was  about  five  thousand  strong ;  that  of  the 
Americans  three  thousand. 

During  our  stay  at  Philipsburg  we  made  several  great 
forages  and  reconnoitrings  about  King's-Bridge.  August 
14  we  received  news  of  the  arrival  of  M.  de  Grasse.  He  left 
the  Isles  July  24.  I  was  sent  back  to  Newport  to  hasten  the 
departure  of  the  fleet  and  the  embarkation  of  our  artillery  at 
Providence.  On  the  17th  the  army  left  Philipsburg  and 
arrived  on  the  21st  at  King's-ferry,  on  the  banks  of  the 
North,  or  Hudson,  Eiver.  It  was  four  days  in  crossing ;  on 
the  25th  we  began  our  march;  two  thousand  Americans 
were  with  us ;  three  thousand  had  been  left  to  guard  the 
defiles  near  Philipsburg.  All  things  seemed  to  announce 
the  siege  of  New  York.  The  setting-up  of  a  bakery  and 
storehouses  at  Chatham,  four  miles  from  Staten  Island ;  our 
crossing  of  the  North  Eiver  and  the  march  we  made  to 
Morristown  seemed  to  indicate  that  we  intended  to  attack 
Sandy  Hook,  in  order  to  facilitate  the  entrance  of  our  vessels. 
We  were  not  long,  however,  in  perceiving  that  New  York 
was  not  our  object,  but  General  Clinton  was  completely 
duped  and  that  was  what  we  wanted. 

We  crossed  Jersey,  one  of  the  finest  and  best  cultivated 
provinces  in  America,  and  the  army  arrived  at  Philadelphia, 
September  3.     It  crossed  the  city  on  parade,  and  won  the 


1781]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  49 

admiration  of  the  inhabitants,  who  had  never  before  seen  so 
many  men  armed  and  clothed  uniformly,  and  so  well-disci- 
plined. After  staying  there  two  days,  it  marched  for  the 
head  of  Elk  Eiver  at  the  upper  end  of  the  Chesapeake  Bay. 
On  the  6th  we  heard  that  M.  de  Grasse  had  arrived  in  that 
bay  on  the  3d  with  twenty-eight  vessels,  and  that  three 
thousand  troops  under  command  of  M.  de  Saint-Simon, 
brigadier-general,  had  disembarked  and  joined  the  eighteen 
hundred  under  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  at  Williamsburg. 
The  march  of  the  army  was  therefore  hastened,  and  on  the 
7th  the  whole  army  arrived  at  the  head  of  Elk  Eiver.  It  was 
there  decided  to  embark  the  army;  but  the  lack  of  boats, 
which  the  English  had  either  taken  or  destroyed  during  the 
five  months  when  they  were  masters  of  the  bay,  prevented 
us  from  shipping  more  than  our  grenadiers  and  chasseurs 
(eight  hundred  men)  and  seven  hundred  Americans.  The 
rest,  with  the  baggage  and  equipments,  marched  to  Annapolis, 
and  were  there  embarked  on  the  frigates.  The  whole  arrived 
and  were  in  camp  at  Williamsburg  about  the  26th.  Two 
days  after  M.  de  Grasse  entered  the  Chesapeake  he  descried  a 
large  English  fleet  of  twenty  vessels.  Admiral  Hood  with 
twelve  ships  had  joined  the  eight  of  Admiral  Graves.  M. 
de  Grasse  at  once  went  out  with  twenty-four  vessels,  leaving 
four  to  guard  the  New  York  and  the  James  Rivers ;  and  after 
a  fight,  which  was  not  very  sharp,  the  English  retired.  M. 
de  Barras  with  eight  ships  joined  M.  de  Grasse,  and  on  the 
8  th  they  were  all  in  the  bay. 

As  soon  as  we  reached  Williamsburg,  they  went  to  work 
to  land  the  field  artillery  and  the  equipments  ;  all  was  ready 
by  the  28th  [of  September],  and  the  army  marched  to  invest 
Yorktown,  where  Lord  Cornwallis  was.  He  occupied  York- 
town,  which  is  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river,  and  Gloucester 
which  is  on  the  left  bank.     The  river  is  one  mile  wide,  that 


50  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  ii. 

is  to  say,  the  third  of  a  French  league.  We  began  bur  in- 
vestment the  same  day,  but  the  Americans  could  not  finish 
theirs  till  the  day  after.  They  had  a  marsh  to  cross ;  the  bridge 
was  broken,  and  they  were  forced  to  make  another.  On  the 
29th  the  investment  was  complete  and  we  went  to  work  to 
land  our  siege  guns  and  make  the  quantity  of  fascines,  sau- 
cissons  [bundles  of  faggots],  hurdles,  and  gabions  necessary 
for  the  siege.  On  the  30  th  the  enemy  evacuated  their  ad- 
vanced works  and  retreated  within  the  body  of  the  place. 
The  works  consisted  of  two  large  redoubts,  and  a  battery  of 
two  cannon,  which  were  separated  from  the  town  by  a  deep 
ravine  of  twelve  hundred  yards.  We  took  possession;  and 
this  advanced  our  own  work  very  much,  leaving  us  the  ability 
to  put  our  first  parallel  on  the  other  side  of  the  ravine. 
Though  that  was  a  blunder  made  by  Lord  Cornwallis,  it  is, 
perhaps,  excusable,  because  he  had  express  orders  from  Gen- 
eral Clinton  to  retire  within  the  place,  and  a  promise  that  he 
(Clinton)  would  relieve  him. 

October  6,  at  eight  in  the  evening,  we  opened  the  trench 
at  nine  hundred  yards  from  the  works.  The  right  rested  on 
the  river,  the  left  on  a  great  ravine  which  falls  perpendicu- 
larly on  the  town  to  the  right  of  the  works,  and  thence  to 
the  river  on  the  right  of  the  town.  Our  trench  had  twenty- 
one  hundred  yards  of  development,  and  it  was  defended  by 
four  palisaded  redoubts  and  five  batteries.  The  ground,  which 
is  much  intersected  by  little  ravines,  facilitated  our  approach 
and  enabled  us  to  reach  our  trench  under  cover  without 
being  obliged  to  make  a  branch  way.  On  our  right  we 
opened  another  trench,  resting  its  left  on  the  river  and  its 
right  on  a  wood.  There  we  had  a  battery  of  four  mortars, 
two  howitzers,  and  two  pieces  of  twenty-four  which  com- 
manded the  river,  making  communication  between  Yorktown 
and  Gloucester  insecure  and  rendering  the  ships  in  the 


1781]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  51 

river  very  uneasy.  The  enemy  did  not  fire  much  during 
the  night. 

On  the  following  days  we  worked  at  perfecting  the  trench, 
palisading  the  redoubts,  and  putting  the  batteries  into  con- 
dition. On  the  10th,  they  all  fired  during  the  day.  We 
had  forty-one  guns,  either  cannon,  mortars,  or  howitzers. 
Our  artillery  was  marvellously  well-served;  the  quality  of 
the  works,  which  were  of  sand,  did  not  allow  our  cannon, 
though  so  well  directed,  to  have  all  the  effect  they  would  have 
had  on  other  ground ;  but  we  learned  by  deserters  that  our 
bombs  had  great  effect  and  that  the  number  of  dead  and 
wounded  was  increasing.  The  besieged  fired  little;  they 
had  none  but  small  cannon,  —  the  largest  was  of  eighteen ; 
their  mortars  were  only  of  six  or  eight  inches,  while  ours 
were  of  twelve.  During  the  day  we  sent  in  many  bombs  and 
royal-grenades ;  at  night  the  enemy  established  flying  bat- 
teries. In  the  daytime  they  usually  withdrew  their  cannon 
and  put  them  behind  the  parapet. 

On  the  night  of  the  11th  and  12th  the  second  parallel  of 
360  yards  was  opened,  the  left  resting,  like  the  first,  on 
the  ravine,  the  right  on  a  redoubt.  We  could  not  push  the 
parallel  to  the  river,  on  account  of  two  redoubts  belonging 
to  the  English,  which  were  half  a  musket^shot  in  advance  of 
our  right.  It  was  resolved  to  attack  them  first  and  then 
finish  the  parallel.  On  the  14th,  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  even- 
ing, four  hundred  grenadiers  and  chasseurs,  supported  by  one 
thousand  men,  attacked  the  redoubt  and  carried  it  sword  in 
hand.  There  were  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  in  it,  half 
English,  half  Germans ;  we  took  only  thirty-four  prisoners 
and  three  officers.  The  Americans  carried  the  other  re- 
doubt ;  they  worked  all  night  to  continue  the  trench,  and  by 
morning  on  the  15  th  it  was  well  covered.  The  English 
plied  us  with  bombs  all  night  and  the  next  day. 


52  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  h. 

On  the  16th,  our  batteries  were  finished,  and  they 
worked  at  mounting  the  guns.  Next  morning  at  five  o'clock 
the  enemy  made  a  sortie  of  six  hundred  men,  entered  a  bat- 
tery, and  spiked  four  cannon.  They  were  repulsed  at  once, 
and  we  had  about  twenty  men  killed  and  wounded.  They 
made  seventeen  prisoners,  of  whom  one  was  an  officer.  Our 
soldiers,  who  have  been  extremely  tired  since  the  beginning 
of  the  siege,  were  asleep  and  surprised. 

On  the  17th,  the  enemy  sent  in  a  flag  of  truce,  and  Lord 
Cornwallis  asked  to  capitulate.  They  were  occupied  the 
whole  of  the  18th  in  settling  the  articles ;  on  the  19th  the 
capitulation  was  signed  and  the  troops  laid  down  their  arms. 
There  were  but  ten  cannon-balls  and  one  bombshell  left  in 
the  place.  We  had  in  our  second  parallel  six  batteries  and 
sixty  cannon,  which  would  have  opened  fire  on  the  17th,  and 
on  the  18th  or  19th  we  hoped  to  be  in  a  condition  to 
assault. 

The  legion  of  Lauzun,  eight  hundred  troops,  vessels,  and 
one  thousand  militia  were  on  the  Gloucester  side,  to  prevent 
any  passing  out  in  that  direction.  On  the  night  of  the  14th 
and  15th  Lord  Cornwallis  sent  two  thousand  men  to  Glou- 
cester to  force  a  way  through  for  him,  intending  to  march 
two  hundred  leagues  through  an  enemy's  country  to  reach 
[New  ?]  York.  The  enterprise  was  bold,  but  crazy  ;  it  might 
have  succeeded  with  two  hundred  men.  The  only  fault 
committed  by  Lord  Cornwallis  was  that  of  having  stopped  at 
Yorktown ;  that  fault,  however,  was  not  his,  it  was  that  of 
General  Clinton,  who  ordered  him  to  stay  there,  and  he 
could  only  obey. 

We  have  taken  seventy-six  hundred  men  in  Yorktown,  of 
whom  two  thousand  are  sick  and  four  hundred  wounded, 
four  hundred  fine  dragoon  horses,  and  one  hundred  and 
eeventy-four  cannon,  seventy-four  of  them  being  of  bronze. 


1781]  COUNT  AXEL  FEBSEN.  53 

Most  of  these  guns  are  small  mortars  of  four  to  six  inches. 
There  are  also  some  forty  vessels,  the  greater  part  of  which 
are  sinking  or  damaged.  There  was  one  fifty-gun  ship, 
which  our  left  battery  set  on  fire  with  red-hot  shot  and 
burned. 

Our  army  was  composed  of  eight  thousand  men ;  that  of 
the  Americans  had  about  the  same  number ;  in  all,  fifteen  to 
sixteen  thousand  men.  We  had  two  hundred'  and  seventy- 
four  killed  or  wounded,  and  ten  officers. 

Yorktown,  October  23,  1781. 

There  is  every  appearance  that  we  shall  make  our  cam- 
paign of  next  year  towards  Charleston  and  end  by  besieging 
that  place.  The  English  will  not  fail  now  to  send  troops 
from  New  York  to  this  part  of  America,  so  I  think  we 
may  have  an  active  war.  It  seems  as  if  General  Clin- 
ton would  have  nothing  else  to  do.  M.  de  Eochambeau 
has  asked  for  reinforcements,  and  I  think  that  M.  de  Grasse 
will  return  here  from  the  Antilles  with  his  twenty-eight 
ships.  If  they  leave  him  in  command  he  will  bring  troops 
with  him.  With  his  forces  and  ours  united  we  shall  be  in 
a  state  to  make  a  pretty  campaign,  and  the  taking  of  Savan- 
nah, where  M.  d'Estaing  has  failed,  and  that  of  Charleston, 
may  well  be  the  result  of  the  campaign  and  crown  the 
work  we  have  now  so  well  begun. 

I  have  no  doubt  they  will  send  M.  de  Eochambeau  the 
troops  for  which  he  asks.  He  knows  too  well  how  to  use 
them,  and  has  just  done  too  great  a  service  to  have  so  just 
a  demand  refused  at  such  a  moment.  I  fear  peace  only,  and 
I  offer  prayers  that  it  may  not  yet  be  made. 

All  our  young  colonels  belonging  to  the  French  Court  are 
departing  to  spend  their  winter  in  Paris.  Some  will  return ; 
others  will  stay  there  and  will  be  much  surprised  if  they  are 


54  DIARY  AND   CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap,  ii 

not  all  made  brigadier-generals  after  being  at  the  siege  of 
Yorktown ;  they  think  they  have  done  the  finest  thing  in  the 
world.  I  shall  stay  here,  having  no  other  reason  to  go  to 
Paris  than  my  amusement  and  pleasure,  and  those  I  must 
sacrifice.  My  affairs  can  get  on  without  me ;  I  should  spend 
a  great  deal  of  money,  and  I  ought  to  be  careful  of  it.  I 
prefer  to  employ  it  in  making  another  campaign  here  and  in 
achieving  what  I  have  begun.  When  I  took  the  resolution 
to  come  here  I  foresaw  the  annoyances  I  should  have  to  put 
up  with ;  it  is  fair  that  the  instruction  I  have  acquired  should 
cost  me  something. 

Williamsburg,  March  25,  1782. 

The  last  letter  I  had  the  honour  to  write  to  you,  my  dear 
father,  was  dated  March  4  from  Philadelphia.  I  left  there 
on  the  9th  with  the  Chevalier  de  Luzerne,  and  we  arrived 
here  on  the  17th.  We  made  a  charming  journey  and  the 
cantines  [provision  boxes]  he  took  with  him,  which  were 
well  furnished  with  pates,  hams,  wine,  and  bread,  prevented 
our  feeling  the  misery  that  reigns  in  the  inns,  where  nothing 
is  found  but  salt  pork  and  no  bread.  In  Virginia  the  people 
eat  nothing  but  cakes  made  of  the  flour  of  Indian  corn, 
which  they  bake  before  the  fire ;  that  hardens  the  outside  a 
little,  but  the  inside  is  only  dough  not  cooked.  They  drink 
nothing  but  rum  (a  brandy  made  from  sugar)  mixed  with 
water ;  they  call  it  "  grog."  The  apples  have  failed  this  year, 
and  that  prevents  them  from  having  cider.  At  250  miles 
from  here,  in  a  part  of  Virginia  which  they  call  "  the  moun- 
tains," all  this  is  quite  different.  The  country  is  richer,  and 
it  is  there  they  cultivate  tobacco ;  the  soil  also  produces  wheat 
and  all  sorts  of  fruits.  But  in  the  part  of  the  country  near 
the  sea,  called  "  the  plains,"  where  we  are,  they  grow  nothing 
but  Indian  corn. 

The  principal  product  of  Virginia  is  tobacco ;  not  that  this 


1782]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  55 

State,  which  is  the  largest  of  the  thirteen,  is  not  capable  of 
other  cultivation,  but  the  laziness  of  the  inhabitants  and 
their  conceit  are  great  obstacles  to  industry.  It  really  seems 
as  if  the  Virginians  were  another  race  of  men;  instead  of 
occupying  themselves  with  their  farms  and  making  them 
profitable,  each  land-owner  wants  to  be  a  lord.  No  white 
man  ever  works,  but,  as  in  the  West  India  islands,  all  the 
work  is  done  by  negro  slaves,  who  are  ordered  by  the  whites, 
and  by  overseers  under  them. 

There  are,  in  Virginia,  at  least  twenty  negroes  to  one 
white  man ;  so  that  this  State  has  sent  but  few  soldiers  to  the 
army.  All  persons  who  do  business  are  regarded  as  inferior 
by  the  others,  who  say  they  are  not  gentlemen,  and  they  do 
not  choose  to  live  with  them  socially.  These  Virginians  have 
all  the  aristocratic  instincts,  and  when  one  sees  them  it  is 
hard  to  understand  how  they  came  to  enter  a  general  con- 
federation and  to  accept  a  government  founded  on  perfect 
equality  of  condition.  But  the  same  spirit  which  has  led 
them  to  shake  off  the  English  yoke  may  lead  them  to  other 
action  of  the  same  kind,  and  I  should  not  be  surprised  to 
see  Virginia  detach  herself,  after  the  peace,  from  the  other 
States.  Neither  should  I  be  surprised  to  see  the  American 
government  become  a  complete  aristocracy. 

We  have  no  political  news  here ;  you  know  already  of  the 
taking  of  Saint-Christopher,  —  a  fine  possession  which  the 
English  have  just  lost.  There  is  much  talk  about  the  evacu- 
ation of  Charleston.  Thirty  transports  have  arrived  in  New 
York  to  fetch  the  troops.  Forty  or  fifty  were  there  already, 
armed  for  the  same  service.  Our  politicians  differ  much  as 
to  the  object  of  this  evacuation ;  some  think  it  is  to  concen- 
trate all  their  forces  at  New  York ;  that  seems  to  me  little 
probable ;  others  that  it  is  to  send  succour  to  Jamaica  in  case 
of  need.     Since  the  capture  and  total  dispersion  of  M.  de 


56  DIARY  AND   CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  ii. 

Guichen's  convoy  the  English  might  feel  easy  in  that  direc- 
tion, and  I  am  more  of  the  opinion  of  those  who  do  not 
believe  in  the  evacuation  at  all.  What  makes  me  doubt  it 
is  that  General  Clinton  would  never  dare  to  take  such  a 
great  step  without  orders  from  his  Court,  that  such  orders 
could  only  be  the  result  of  some  plan  of  campaign,  and  that 
no  plan,  if  made,  has  had  time  to  get  here. 

The  taking  of  part  of  M.  de  Guichen's  convoy  is  a  terrible 
loss  for  us.  Besides  the  munitions  of  war  and  the  commis- 
sariat stores  with  which  the  ships  were  laden,  and  which  can 
be  replaced,  we  lose  time  which  cannot  be  recovered,  and  the 
expedition  to  Jamaica  will  fail.  Admiral  Eodney  has  arrived 
in  the  West  Indies  with  ten  sail  of  the  line  and  troops.  This 
makes  him  superior  to  M.  de  Grasse,  and  may  change  the 
whole  face  of  things  in  that  part  of  the  world. 

Williamsburg,  May  27,  1782. 
We  are  in  great  consternation  on  the  subject  of  a  battle 
between  the  fleets  in  the  West  Indies.  The  first  news  we 
received  said  that  we  had  won  the  advantage ;  but  yesterday 
we  heard  more  through  the  English,  that  is  to  say,  by  a  New 
York  gazette,  which  reports  that  the  "Ville  de  Paris,"  110 
guns,  on  which  was  the  Comte  de  Grasse,  was  taken,  with 
six  other  vessels,  and  that  we  were  totally  defeated.  This 
news  seems  certain,  because  of  the  particulars  that  accom- 
panied it.  The  ships  taken  are  named,  the  number  of  killed 
and  wounded  on  each  ship  is  specified,  and  in  short,  it  seems 
impossible  that  this  should  be  news  manufactured  by  a  news- 
paper. We  do  not  bear  this  reverse  well;  I  see  that  we 
allow  ourselves  to  be  easily  depressed.  One  would  think 
we  were  not  much  accustomed  to  success  from  the  excessive 
joy  we  show  when  we  have  any,  and  the  gloom  into  which 
we  are  plunged  by  the  slightest  reverse.     This  reverse,  how- 


1782]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  57 

ever,  is  considerable,  and  will  render  the  whole  campaign 
null;  it  gives  the  English  the  upper  hand  in  the  West 
Indies ;  if  they  act  well  they  can  do  us  great  damage  there, 
and  reinforcements  from  Europe,  if  they  get  them,  may  cause 
us  to  lose  our  conquests.  This  disaster  will  have  a  great 
effect  upon  us  here,  and  will  force  us  to  pass  this  whole  cam- 
paign in  total  inactivity.  This  is  dreadful,  —  especially  if  we 
are  unfortunate  enough  to  stay  in  this  place.  The  heat  is  al- 
ready extreme ;  imagine  what  it  will  be  in  July  and  August. 
We  have  no  news  as  yet  from  M.  de  Lauzun ;  we  expect 
some  with  great  impatience,  —  at  least  I  do,  and  we  are  be- 
ginning to  feel  uneasy. 

Philadelphia,  August  8,  1782. 

The  last  letter  I  had  the  honour  to  write  to  you,  my  dear 
father,  was  dated  July  6,  also  from  Philadelphia.  I  came  here 
with  M.  de  Kochambeau,  who  had  a  rendezvous  here  with 
General  Washington  to  confer  together  on  the  operation  of  the 
campaign.  The  result  of  the  conference  was  that  I  was  sent 
on  the  19th  to  Yorktown,  Virginia,  with  a  commission  then 
secret,  but  not  so  at  present :  it  was  to  ship  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible our  siege  artillery,  which  we  had  left  at  West-Point, 
eight  leagues  above  Yorktown  on  the  same  river,  and  bring 
it  up  the  bay  of  the  Chesapeake  to  Baltimore.  This  opera- 
tion required  great  secrecy  and  much  promptitude,  for  we  had 
but  one  forty-gun  ship  to  escort  the  convoy,  and  the  English 
with  two  frigates  could  have  kept  us  from  leaving  the  York 
Eiver,  or  else  have  captured  some  of  the  convoy. 

I  started  ill  with  a  very  bad  cold,  which  was  considerably 
increased  by  fatigue  and  the  heat.  As  soon  as  I  had  at- 
tended to  the  embarkation  and  seen  that  all  was  under  way, 
I  returned  to  report  to  M.  de  Eochambeau,  who  was  with 
the  army  at  Baltimore,  and  after  remaining  with  him  a 
couple  of  days  I  started  with  the  Chevalier  de  Chastellux  for 


58  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  „. 

Philadelphia,  where  the  Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne  loaded  me 
with  care,  attentions,  kindness,  civilities,  and  friendship. 
The  army  is  to  leave  Baltimore  on  the  15th  to  come  here, 
and  go  hence  to  the  Hudson  Eiver.  I  shall  wait  here  till  it 
arrives  ;  I  have  need  of  rest,  and  I  could  not  be  in  any  house 
where  I  should  be  more  agreeably  and  better  situated. 

Our  campaign  this  year  will  not  be  as  brilliant  as  that  of 
last  year.  The  defeat  of  the  Comte  de  Grasse,  the  disper- 
sion of  M.  de  Guichen's  convoy,  the  taking  of  that  intended 
for  the  Indies  —  all  these  disasters  united  have  deranged  our 
plans  and  made  all  projects  miscarry.  We  have  nothing 
now  to  do  in  this  country  but  the  siege  of  New  York,  and 
we  are  too  weak  for  such  an  enterprise,  the  success  of  which 
depends  entirely  on  superiority  at  sea,  and  that  we  have  not 
got.  Admiral  Kodney  has  taken  good  care  of  that ;  and  be- 
sides, when  we  had  it  we  did  not  know  how  to  profit  by  it. 
We  are  daily  expecting  news  from  France.  We  are  told  they 
are  preparing  to  lay  siege  to  Gibraltar ;  for  up  to  the  present 
time  it  has  been  nothing  but  a  fruitless  blockade.  If  the 
French  are  set  on  that  difficult  operation  I  fear  that  our  cam- 
paign here  will  be  very  inactive,  and  will  end  in  nothing  but 
long  and  laborious  marches.  I  doubt  if  they  can  succeed 
in  taking  Gibraltar,  though  I  fear  the  Spaniards  will  jus- 
tify the  witty  saying  of  some  one  who  replied  to  a  friend 
who  said  it  would  be  another  siege  of  Troy,  "  Yes,  but 
Spaniards  are  not  Greeks." 

The  heat  is  very  great  here;  I  bear  it  very  well.  The 
drouth  has  been  extraordinary ;  all  the  brooks  are  dry,  and 
our  army  has  the  greatest  difficulty  in  finding  water,  which 
is  very  necessary  in  such  hot  weather. 


'." JZ&w&wz^    C2s<?e&?^&'  ^c&     K^^^G^ay^^^^e^x^^- 


2782]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  59 

Philadelphia,  August  17,  1782. 

On  the  8  th  of  this  month  the  army  was  at  Baltimore,  a 
little  town  at  the  upper  end  of  the  bay  of  the  Chesapeake. 
Thence  it  was  to  march  on  the  15th  of  the  same  month  to 
the  North,  or  Hudson,  Eiver.  But  the  rumour  and  appear- 
ances of  peace  which  we  have  received  from  England  by  way 
of  New  York  have  delayed  our  march,  and  we  shall  not  put 
ourselves  in  motion  till  the  20th.  This  is  the  upshot 
of  a  deliberation  that  the  generals  had  together.  By  this 
news  from  England  (we  have  none  as  yet  from  France)  it 
seems  as  though  peace  were  near.  England  appears  to  be 
much  inclined  to  it  if  France  is  modest  in  her  demands. 
The  Americans  desire  nothing  else,  now  that  the  King  of 
England  has  declared  them  independent,  and  I  think  that 
Holland  does  not  find  itself  enough  benefited  to  wish  to  con- 
tinue the  war. 

The  English  seem  to  behave  with  less  hostility  in  these 
regions ;  they  have  forbidden  all  their  partisans,  called 
"  tories "  or  "  refugees,"  to  make  incursions  or  expeditions 
into  the  country  without  a  permit  signed  by  the  commandant 
of  the  station.  They  have  sent  back  from  England  all 
prisoners,  without  demands  for  their  exchange.  General 
Carleton,  who  commands  in  New  York,  has  informed  General 
Washington  in  a  very  polite  letter,  that  the  king,  his  master, 
has  granted  the  independence  of  America ;  that  he  has  sent  a 
man  to  Paris  with  full  powers  to  negotiate  ;  and  he  proposes 
to  General  Washington  to  agree  to  an  exchange  of  prisoners. 
All  this  seems  to  indicate  peace ;  we  all  think  that,  if  it  is 
not  already  signed,  it  certainly  will  be  in  the  course  of  the 
winter,  and  that  we  shall  embark  in  the  spring.1     This  idea 

1  John  Adams,  Franklin,  Jay,  and  Laurens  signed  a  preliminary  treaty 

of  peace  in  Paris,  November  30, 1782.    The  English  evacuated  Charleston, 

December  14.  —  Tk. 

Ver.  8  5  Mem. 


60  DIARY  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF         [chap,  it 

causes  universal  joy;  it  gives  me  a  pleasure  I  cannot  ex- 
press ;  the  hope  of  seeing  you  again,  my  dear  father,  is  one 
that  I  can  only  feel. 

Camp  at  Crompond  [?],  October  3,  1782. 

The  last  letter  I  had  the  honour  to  write  to  you,  my  dear 
father,  was  written  in  August.  Since  then  we  have  been  al- 
ways on  the  march,  and  I  have  had  no  opportunity  to  send 
you  a  letter.  The  army  has  crossed  the  Delaware,  also  the 
North,  or  Hudson,  River,  and  we  are  now  encamped  ten  miles 
from  the  latter,  and  twenty-four  miles  from  the  island  of 
New  York.  There  is  every  appearance  that  we  shall  finish 
our  campaign  here,  and  start  from  here  for  our  winter- 
quarters  ;  no  one  yet  knows  where  they  will  be,  and  I  dare 
not  tell  you. 

Charleston  is  evacuated,  they  say;  consequently  the 
English  have  nothing  left  in  the  South  of  this  continent. 
Their  possessions  are  reduced  now  to  Long  Island,  Staten 
Island,  and  the  island  of  New  York.  There  is  much  talk  of 
the  evacuation  of  the  latter ;  I  do  not  believe  it ;  while  Lord 
Eockingham  lived  it  seems  to  have  been  determined  on; 
now  all  is  changed.  Our  generals  believe  it,  but  I  am  not 
of  their  opinion.  I  think  they  are  sending  2000  English 
troops  to  the  West  Indies,  and  are  leaving  the  Germans  with 
the  rest,  10,000  in  all,  in  New  York.  If  the  evacuation 
takes  place,  we  shall  have  nothing  to  do  but  return  to 
France. 

Though  we  have  not  seen  the  enemy,  our  campaign  has 
been  a  very  rough  one.  We  suffered  much  from  heat,  and 
now  the  cold  weather  is  making  itself  keenly  felt.  I  bear 
these  changes  marvellously  well,  and  I  was  never  better  in 
health.  This  year  I  have  a  tent  and  a  straw  mattress ;  I  am 
not  very  well  off  for  covering,  but  a  cloak  supplements  that. 


1782]  COUNT  AXEL  FEIiSEN.  61 

Boston,  November  30, 1782. 

The  last  letter  I  had  the  honour  to  write  to  you,  my  dear 
father,  was  dated  November  3  from  Hartford,  where  the 
army  made  a  halt  of  eight  days  while  the  fleet  of  M.  de 
Vaudreuil  was  being  made  ready.  We  started  on  the  4th 
and  reached  Providence  on  the  10  th,  where  our  stay  was 
prolonged  until  the  fleet  was  able  to  take  us  on  board.  I 
profited  by  this  delay  to  go  to  Newport,  which  is  only  ten 
leagues  from  Providence,  to  see  my  friends  there  and  bid 
them  adieu. 

We  left  Providence  on  the  4th  and  arrived  here  on  the 
6th ;  we  embarked  at  once.  I  am  on  the  "  Brave,"  74  guns, 
with  the  Comte  de  Deux-Ponts,  and  our  three  first  companies. 
The  Chevalier  d'Amblimont  commands  the  ship ;  he  behaved 
very  badly  in  the  action  of  April  12 ;  he  ran  away  instead 
of  obeying  signals,  and  when  M.  de  Bougainville  hailed  him, 
asking  the  reason  of  such  extraordinary  conduct,  he  replied 
that,  "  the  fleet  being  lost,  it  was  best  to  save  one  vessel  for 
the  king."  He  is  amiable,  very  polite,  and  has  a  good  ship ; 
I  have  good  quarters  and  he  keeps  a  good  table.  That  is  all 
I  want ;  I  let  him  off  as  to  bravery. 

It  seems  certain  that  we  are  going  to  the  Cape,  under 
command  of  Don  Galvez;  it  must  surely  be  to  attempt  an 
enterprise  on  Jamaica,  when  that  on  Gibraltar,  which  has 
lasted  five  years,  succeeds  or  fails ;  whether  we  make  one  on 
Jamaica  will  be  decided  before  July,  and  it  is  probably  on 
that  decision  that  our  return  to  France  depends.  A  person 
worthy  of  confidence,  who  is  in  the  way  of  knowing  things, 
assures  me  that  we  shall  not  stay  long  in  the  West  Indies, 
and  that  we  shall  surely  be  in  France  by  next  summer. 

We  do  not  yet  know  if  the  English  have  evacuated 
Charleston.  This  must  seem  to  you  very  extraordinary ;  it 
is  strange  that  having  an  army  ten  leagues  distant  from 


62  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  n. 

there  we  should  still  be  uncertain  as  to  an  event  so  interest- 
ing to  us.  But  the  communications  of  this  country  are  so 
slow  and  uncertain  that  we  get  our  news  for  the  most  part 
from  the  "  New  York  Gazette."  An  express  makes,  bravely, 
eight  leagues  a  day,  whereas  it  might  make  twelve  or  thir- 
teen ;  but  perhaps  the  fault  is  in  the  management.  There  is 
much  talk  of  the  evacuation  of  New  York;  they  say  the 
English  themselves  are  talking  about  it ;  I  do  not  believe  a 
word  of  it.  The  rendition  of  that  place  will  make  a  useful 
balance  in  the  treaty  of  peace. 

M.  de  Eochambeau  left  us  at  Providence ;  the  whole  army 
regrets  him,  and  with  reason.  He  went  to  Philadelphia, 
where  he  embarked  on  the  frigate  "  La  Gloire."  I  gave  him 
a  letter  like  this  one,  which  you  may  receive  at  the  same 
time.  This  one  goes  by  the  frigate  "  Iris."  Baron  de 
Viomesnil  now  commands  the  army,  and  will  take  us  to  the 
West  Indies ;  there  he  leaves  us  as  soon  as  we  arrive,  and 
returns  to  France. 

I  wrote  you  in  my  last  letter  that  the  Due  de  Lauzun 
remains  in  America  with  his  legion.  I  thought  we  should 
take  away  our  siege  train,  but  that  is  changed;  it  stays  in 
Baltimore,  where  it  now  is,  with  400  men  detached  from  the 
different  regiments,  and  about  the  same  number  of  sick,  who 
will  be  in  good  health  by  the  spring.  That  makes  in  all 
1400  men  under  command  of  M.  de  Lauzun,  who  will  prob- 
ably have  nothing  to  do  but  to  wait  here  till  peace  is  made. 
The  duke  and  his  legion  are  in  quarters  at  Wilmington,  nine 
leagues  to  the  south  of  Philadelphia. 

I  cannot  tell  you,  my  dear  father,  how  much  attached  I 
am  to  the  Due  de  Lauzun,  and  how  I  like  him ;  he  has  the 
noblest  and  most  honourable  soul  that  I  know.  Among  the 
personal  belongings  which  he  brought,  and  which  were  all 
lost,  there  were  several  things  for  me  that  he  knew  I  needed, 


1782]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  63 

and  a  part  of  which  I  had  asked  him  to  bring  me.  He  has 
never  been  willing  to  tell  me  what  they  were,  always  reply- 
ing that  it  was  only  a  trifle,  not  worth  speaking  of.  I  should 
never  end  if  I  told  you  all  the  delicate  and  kindly  actions 
that  I  know  of  him. 

The  whole  army  is  vexed  at  going  to  the  West  Indies ;  I 
myself  am  not  much  pleased.  We  saw  M.  de  Eochambeau 
leave  us  with  pain;  every  one  liked  to  be  commanded  by 
him.  They  will  have  to  feel  the  same  to  the  Baron  de 
Viomesnil.  As  for  me,  personally,  I  ought  to  be  much  satis- 
fied; the  baron  has  always  treated  me  with  distinguished 
regard  and  courtesy.  He  is  hasty  and  quick-tempered ;  he 
has  not  the  precious  sang-froid  of  M.  de  Eochambeau,  who 
was  the  only  man  capable  of  commanding  us  here,  and  of 
maintaining  that  perfect  harmony  which  has  reigned  between 
two  nations  so  different  in  manners,  morals,  and  language, 
and  who,  at  heart,  do  not  like  each  other.  There  have  never 
been  disputes  between  our  two  armies  during  the  whole 
time  we  have  been  together ;  but  there  have  often  been  just 
ground  for  complaints  on  our  part.  Our  allies  have  not 
always  behaved  well  to  us,  and  the  time  that  we  have  spent 
among  them  has  not  taught  us  to  like  or  to  esteem  them. 
M.  de  Eochambeau  himself  has  not  always  been  well-treated ; 
but  in  spite  of  that  his  conduct  has  been  uniform.  His 
example  has  compelled  the  same  in  his  army,  and  the  stern 
orders  that  he  gave  restrained  every  one,  and  enforced  that 
rare  discipline  which  was  the  admiration  of  all  the  Ameri- 
cans and  English  who  witnessed  it.  The  wise,  prudent,  and 
simple  conduct  of  M.  de  Eochambeau  has  done  more  to  con- 
ciliate the  Americans  than  the  winning  of  four  battles  could 
ever  have  done. 

Our  fleet  at  Boston  consists  of  thirteen  vessels ;  here  is  the 
list.  .  .  .     They  will  sail  as  soon  as  the  wind  permits.     The 


64  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  II. 

English  fleet  of  twenty-three  sail  has  left  New  York  in  two 
divisions ;  the  first  of  twelve  ships,  under  the  orders  of  Ad- 
miral Pigott,  departed  October  27  ;  the  second  of  eleven 
ships,  came  out  of  the  harbour  on  the  21st  of  this  month, 
they  say.  Is  it  to  await  us  and  capture  us,  or  is  it  to  trans- 
port the  garrison  of  Charleston  to  the  West  Indies  ?  We  do 
not  know ;  but  time  will  clear  up  the  mystery. 

Boston,  December  21,  1782. 

It  is  not  yet  known  whether  Charleston  is  evacuated ;  a 
Philadelphia  gazette,  which  has  just  arrived,  says  that  the 
English  are  constructing  two  new  redoubts  there,  and  that  the 
truce  they  had  demanded,  and  which  was  supposed  to  be  a 
certain  sign  of  the  evacuation,  has  come  to  an  end,  and  the 
place  is  not  evacuated. 

We  are  all  going  on  board  to-night ;  the  ships  are  ready, 
and  if  the  wind  is  fair  we  shall  sail  to-morrow  morning.  As 
soon  as  we  reach  the  West  India  Islands  I  will  send  you 
news  of  myself,  my  dear  father,  and  I  shall  have  the  pleas- 
ure to  assure  you  of  my  respectful  attachment. 


1783]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  65 


CHAPTER  III. 

1783-1791.  —  Return  to  France.  —  Confidential  mission  of  Count  Fersen  to 
the  French  Court  from  King  Gustavus  III.  —  Letters  to  his  father  and 
the  King  of  Sweden  on  the  political  aspects  of  France  at  the  opening 
of  the  Revolution.  — The  Emigration  begins  in  July  1789. 

[Count  Fersen  returned  to  France  with  the  French  troops 
in  June,  1783.  He  was  on  the  point  of  going  to  Sweden  to 
see  his  parents  when  he  received  an  order  to  join  his  king, 
Gustavus  III.,  and  accompany  him  during  his  journeys  in 
Germany,  Italy,  and  France.  It  was  not  until  the  close  of 
the  year  1784  that  Count  Fersen  returned  to  Sweden  in  the 
suite  of  the  king.  As  a  well-deserved  reward  for  his  cam- 
paigns in  America  he  was  appointed  titulary  colonel  in  the 
Swedish  army,  chevalier  of  the  Order  of  the  Sword,  and 
lieutenant-colonel  on  service  of  the  light-horse  cavalry  of  the 
king.  The  King  of  France  appointed  him  second-colonel  of 
the  regiment  Deux-Ponts  and  chevalier  of  the  Order  of  Mili- 
tary Merit.  In  September,  1783,  he  was  made  proprietary 
colonel  of  the  Royal-Swedish  [French]  regiment,  at  the 
request  of  King  Gustavus  III.,  who,  during  his  stay  in  Paris, 
protected  Fersen  and  enabled  him  to  obtain  from  France  a 
pension  of  twenty  thousand  francs,  which  was  reduced  to 
thirteen  thousand  in  1788,  and  ceased  altogether  in  1791. 

General  Washington  granted  to  Count  Fersen  in  1783  the 
Order  of  Cincinnatus.  It  was  a  flattering  recognition  of  his 
services  in  that  memorable  war  which  has  had  such  immense 
results.  Though  the  King  of  Sweden  would  not  allow  him, 
or  any  of  the  Swedish  officers  who  had  fought  in  that  war,  to 
wear  this  decoration,  it  was  still  a  great  distinction  to  have 


66  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE   OF        [chap.  hi. 

deserved  a  military  Order  of  which  the  generals  of  the  armies 
of  France  were  proud  to  bear  the  insignia,  with  permission 
of  their  sovereign. 

It  was  at  this  period — 1783  to  1786 —  that  young  de 
Stael-Holstein  began  to  be  noted  in  the  diplomatic  corps  and 
in  the  salons  of  the  great  world  of  Paris,  and  Count  Fersen, 
who  had  been  intimate  with  him  from  childhood,  contributed 
much  to  make  him  so.  M.  de  Stael,  born  in  1 759,  saw  ser- 
vice early  in  life,  was  an  ensign  when  eighteen,  a  lieutenant, 
then  a  captain  at  twenty-three.  The  court  which  he  paid 
to  Mile.  Necker  established  his  fortunes.  Thanks  to  his 
known  hopes  of  obtaining  her  hand,  in  which  the  queen 
and  all  the  greatest  ladies  of  her  Court  took  an  interest,  M. 
de  Stael  was  appointed  in  the  same  year  (1783)  charge 
d'affaires,  envoy,  and  finally,  ambassador  from  Sweden  to  the 
Court  of  Versailles.  Count  Fersen  writes  at  this  period  to 
his  father  (August  19,  1784)  :  — 

"  You  will  have  seen  already  that  the  idea  I  had  respect- 
ing Mile.  Necker  cannot  come  to  anything,  even  if  you  con- 
sented to  it,  on  account  of  my  friend  Stael,  to  whom  it  is 
perfectly  suited,  —  much  more  so  than  to  me.  I  really  never 
thought  of  it,  except  to  please  you,  my  dear  father ;  and  I 
am  not  at  all  sorry  that  it  cannot  be  realized." 

We  see  from  from  this  that  Fersen  had  thought  of  Mile. 
Necker  for  himself,  and  renounced  his  pretensions  in  favour 
of  his  friend,  who  saw  in  this  match  a  first  step  to  fortune. 
M.  de  Stael  was,  however,  compelled  to  wait  a  long  time  for 
the  consent  of  her  parents,  for  he  had  many  rivals,  among 
them  the  famous  minister  Mr.  Pitt.  Count  Fersen  writes 
to  his  father,  October  15,  1785  :  — 

"  M.  Necker  has  at  last  decided  to  give  him  his  daughter  ; 
it  is  an  excellent  affair  and  I  am  enchanted  for  M.  de  Stael ; 
he  had  numerous  and  powerful  rivals,  among  others  Mr.  Pitt, 


1783]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  67 

the  one  who  is  at  present  at  the  head  of  English  affairs ;  but 
the  young  girl  preferred  M.  de  Stae'l.  I  saw  her  a  few  days 
ago.  She  is  not  pretty, — on  the  contrary ;  but  she  has  intel- 
lect, gaiety,  amiability ;  has  been  very  well  brought-up,  and  is 
full  of  talents.  The  wedding  will  take  place  on  the  10  th  or 
15th  of  next  month. 

An  illness  of  Mile.  Necker  delayed  the  marriage  until 
January  1786.  It  was  concluded  under  very  onerous  condi- 
tions for  Sweden.  King  Gustavus  III.  agreed  to  give  Stae'l  an 
annual  pension  of  20,000  francs,  or  an  office  in  Sweden  equiv- 
alent to  it  in  case  he  lost,  through  unforeseen  circumstances 
his  embassy  to  Versailles  during  the  first  six  months  after  his 
marriage.  When  the  Eevolution  broke  out  in  France  this 
agreement  became  very  burdensome  to  the  King  of  Sweden, 
inasmuch  as  Stae'l  sided,  thanks  to  the  influence  of  his  wife, 
with  the  enemies  of  the  royal  family,  as  we  shall  see 
in  the  course  of  these  Letters.  This  obliged  the  King  of 
Sweden  to  conceal  his  real  opinions  in  his  despatches  to  his 
ambassador  to  France,  and  it  is  important  to  know  this,  in 
order  to  judge  correctly  of  the  epoch  and  also  of  its  docu- 
ments. Baron  Taube,  first  gentleman  of  the  Bed-chamber 
and  confidential  secretary  of  Gustavus  III.,  wrote  as  follows, 
to  his  intimate  friend  Count  Fersen :  — 

"The  king  orders  me  to  let  you  know  that  all  StaeTs 
despatches  are  written  in  the  spirit  of  the  Revolution ;  his 
Majesty  is  obliged  to  feign  to  pay  attention  to  what  he  says 
to  him  ;  but  it  is  only  that  he  may  fathom  their  projects  and 
their  views  more  completely.  The  king  orders  you  to 
warn  the  King  and  the  Queen  [of  France],  so  that  they  may 
not  be  misled.  Assure  them  that  the  king  never  varies  in 
his  feelings  and  his  attachment  for  them,  as  he  will  try  on  all 
occasions  to  prove  to  them." 

Count  Fersen's  service  in  the  two  armies  of  Sweden  and 


68  DIARY  AND   CORRESPONDENCE  OF        [chap,  hi 

France  obliged  him  to  divide  his  time  between  the  two 
countries.  During  the  summer  of  1787  he  was  sent  to 
France  with  letters  from  the  King  of  Sweden  to  Louis  XVI. 

"I  passed  a  day  in  Paris,"  he  writes,  May  25,  1787,  "to 
deliver  the  letters  with  which  I  was  laden  and  to  see  my 
friends,  and  the  next  day  I  came  to  Versailles  to  pay  my 
court  and  give  the  letters  to  the  king.  It  was  the  day  of 
the  closing  of  the  Assembly  of  the  Notables,  and  I  am  very 
glad  to  have  seen  that  ceremony.  It  was  very  imposing, 
and  will  probably  never  be  seen  again  in  our  day.  The 
results  of  that  Assembly  are  great  reforms  in  the  households 
of  the  princes ;  but  most  of  them  bear  only  on  abuses  and  on 
the  old  ostentatious  splendour,  which  is  scarcely  noticed  and 
was  of  no  use  whatever  except  to  absorb  enormous  sums. 
The  Comte  d'Artois  has  already  returned  four  hundred 
thousand  francs  from  his  household  to  the  king.  The  re- 
form in  the  queen's  stable  amounts  to  two  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  francs ;  in  short,  it  seems  that  they  have  taken  a 
firm  resolution  to  correct  abuses  as  much  as  possible.  The 
king  has  already  reduced  his  packs  of  boar-hounds  and  wolf- 
hounds; all  the  falcons,  and  the  emoluments  of  the  grand 
falconer  are  to  be  suppressed,  so  they  tell  me.  There  is 
much  else,  but  I  cannot  remember  it.  They  talk  of  a  dimi- 
nution of  two-fifths  of  all  pensions  above  ten  thousand  francs  ; 
but  that  is  not  certain." 

In  October,  1788,  Gustavus  III.  sent  Count  Fersen  again  to 
Paris  to  look  after  his  interests  and  correspond  with  him  confi- 
dentially. From  that  time  the  Count  remained  in  France, 
sometimes  in  Paris,  sometimes  with  his  regiment,  the  Royal- 
Swedish,  which  was  in  garrison  at  Valenciennes,  Maubeuge, 
and  other  towns.  The  first  rough  shocks  of  the  Revolution 
were  beginning  to  be  felt,  a*nd  Count  Fersen  bestowed  much 
attention  on  the  study  of  them.     The  loss  of  his  Journal 


1788]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  69 

from  1780  to  June,  1791,  was  a  great  misfortune.  Intrusted 
to  a  friend  at  the  time  that  he  was  obliged  to  leave  Paris 
when  Louis  XVI.  and  family  started  for  Varennes,  these 
sheets  were  burned,  from  the  fear  that  they  might  fall  into 
the  hands  of  the  revolutionaries.  They  contained,  as  Fersen 
himself  said,  precious  information  of  the  events  of  the  time, 
and  the  family  of  Louis  XVI.  Nothing  relating  to  that  time 
now  remains  but  letters,  written  by  the  count  to  his  father, 
which  contain  some  account  of  the  political  events  in  France 
at  the  beginning  of  the  Eevolution.] 

Paris,  December  10,  17B8. 
Affairs  in  this  country  are  not  in  a  more  tranquil  state 
than  they  are  in  Sweden ;  on  the  contrary,  minds  are  furi- 
ously excited  ;  but  with  what  a  difference !  Here  we  have  a 
patient  with  a  good  constitution  and  in  all  the  vigour  of  his 
age,  for  whom  we  need  only  a  good  physician ;  but  the  ques- 
tion is  to  find  one.  There  appears  to  be  a  great  schism  be- 
tween the  nobles  and  the  tiers  etat ;  the  latter  wants  to  be 
represented  in  greater  numbers  and  to  have  more  influence 
in  the  States-general  than  it  has  hitherto  had.  The  parlia- 
ments, which  used  to  be  united  with  the  nobles,  have  been 
abandoned  by  them  in  consequence  of  a  late  decree  of  the 
parliament  of  Paris  [abolishing  feudal  rights],  which  de- 
mands no  less  "than  the  English  constitution.  There  were 
two  parties  in  the  Chamber  on  that  occasion ;  all  the  old 
members  were  against  the  resolution,  but'  the  young  ones 
carried  it.  They  say  also  that  the  provincial  parliaments 
are  not  all  of  one  opinion,  and  that  several  are  contrary  to 
the  decree  of  that  of  Paris.  So  here  is  disunion  among  the 
great  bodies  of  the  kingdom;  it  remains  to  be  seen  what 
will  result  for  the  king.  But  in  any  case,  it  seems  to  me 
that  things  will  go  better  than  was  thought  at  first,  and  that 


70  DIARY   AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF         [chap,  hi. 

France  will  recover  in  Europe  the  great  influence  that  she 
ought  to  have  there.  The  fermentation  of  minds  is  general ; 
nothing  is  talked  of  but  the  Constitution ;  the  women,  espe- 
cially, are  mixed  up  in  the  matter,  and  you  know,  as  I  do,  the 
influence  they  have  in  this  country.  It  is  all  a  delirium ; 
every  one  is  an  administrator  and  talks  of  nothing  but  "  prog- 
ress ; "  in  the  antechambers  the  lacqueys  are  busy  reading 
political  pamphlets,  ten  or  a  dozen  of  which  appear  daily ;  I 
do  not  see  how  the  printing-offices  suffice  for  them  all ;  they 
are  the  fashion  of  the  moment,  however,  and  you  know,  as  I 
do,  the  empire  that  has  here. 

We  are  having  a  very  severe  winter,  freezing  for  three 
weeks ;  the  cold  has  been  up  to  13°  and  at  midday  2°,  3°,  and 
4°.  For  a  week  past  there  has  been  four  inches  of  snow  in 
the  streets  of  Paris  and  the  roofs  are  covered.  The  river  is 
frozen,  which  hampers  the  provisioning  of  Paris,  so  that 
they  fear  a  famine  ;  it  is  also  feared  in  the  provinces.  There 
is  very  little  wheat,  and  what  there  is  they  cannot  grind  be- 
cause of  the  lack  of  water,  for  there  has  been  no  rain  since 
August. 

Paris,  January  2, 1789. 

The  country  is  still  in  a  great  ferment,  but  here  great  heats 
pass  off  in  a  short  time  and  reflection  comes.  The  grave 
question  which  divides  all  minds  at  the  present  moment 
is  whether  the  deputies  of  the  tiers  Stat  will  equal  in 
number  those  of  the  nobles  and  the  clergy;  opinions  are 
much  divided  thereon,  even  among  the  nobles,  the  greater 
part  of  whom  consent  to  this  equality.  The  king  has  just 
decided  that  for  one  member  of  the  nobles  and  one  of  the 
clergy  there  shall  be  two  of  the  tiers  etat,  which  seems  just. 
Meanwhile  the  public  has  been  inundated  with  writings 
and  pamphlets ;  there  is  not  a  day  that  five  or  six  do  not 
appear;  most  of  them  have  no  common-sense  and  contain 


1789]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  71 

nothing  but  empty  words  or  thoughts  that  are  wholly  sedi- 
tious. Everybody  is  author  and  administrator,  especially  the 
women ;  you  know,  as  I  do,  how  they  give  the  tone  here  and 
how  they  like  to  mingle  in  everything.  They  are  occupied 
now  with  nothing  but  "  the  Constitution,"  and  the  young 
men,  to  please  them  and  to  have  an  air  of  good  style,  talk 
only  of  States-general  and  systems  of  government,  though 
often  enough  their  waistcoats,  their  cabriolets,  and  their 
jackets  make  a  diversion.  I  do  not  know  whether  the 
kingdom  will  gain  by  all  these  changes,  but  society  has  lost 
a  great  deal. 

Valbnciknnb8  [in  camp],  June  26,  1789. 

The  tiers  etat  wants  to  be  alone  in  the  States-general. 
The  origin  of  the  quarrel  is  that  the  tiers  etat  claimed  that 
the  powers  of  the  deputies  ought  to  be  verified  in  common 
in  an  assembly  of  the  three  orders;  whereas  the  nobles 
willed  that,  according  to  ancient  custom  each  order  should 
verify  its  powers  separately.  This  dispute  heated  all 
brains ;  part  of  the  clergy  joined  the  tiers  etat ;  so  did  some 
of  the  nobles;  and  they  have  constituted  themselves  a 
National  Assembly ;  whereupon  the  king  held  a  royal  session 
at  which  he  quashed  the  resolution  of  the  tiers  etat.  The 
National  Assembly  paid  no  attention  to  the  king's  action,  but 
continued  its  sessions.  The  nobles  have  joined  the  king. 
The  excitement  is  extreme.  You  know  French  heads,  and 
you  can  easily  imagine  to  what  lengths  they  may  go ;  but 
never  could  you  have  conceived  the  indecency  of  all  that  is 
being  done  and  written.  The  Archbishop  of  Paris,  a  man 
respectable  for  his  age  and  conduct,  came  near  being  stoned 
at  Versailles  as  he  was  entering  his  house,  because  he  is  not 
on  the  side  of  the  tiers  etat.  Several  of  his  servants  were 
wounded.  Three  or  four  madmen  lead  the  whole  thing,  and 
God  knows  where  it  will  end.     The  king  seems  decided  to 


72  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  hi. 

hold  to  what  he  has  said,  and  they  have  brought  about 
12,000  to  15,000  troops  into  the  neighbourhood  of  Versailles, 
La  Muette,  Meudon,  etc.  What  is  most  grievous  is  that 
they  are  not  sure  of  the  French  soldier,  and  they  are  forced 
to  employ  foreigners  as  much  as  possible.  They  have  also 
brought  up  forty  pieces  of  artillery.  It  is  impossible  to  fore- 
see the  end. 

Valknciennes,  July  22,  1789. 

Heads  are  so  heated  that  firmness  is  thought  more  in- 
jurious than  useful.  The  Baron  de  Breteuil  is  no  longer 
minister.  M.  de  Broglie  and  de  La  Vauguyon,  who  were 
appointed  with  him,  the  first  as  minister  of  War,  the  second 
to  Foreign  Affairs  have  gone  too ;  the  king  has  recalled  M. 
Necker.  The  troops  are  sent  back  to  their  garrisons.  The 
populace  of  Paris  has  seized  the  Bastille  and  has  murdered 
the  governor,  M.  de  Launay,  in  a  horrible  manner.  They 
have  captured  at  the  Invalides  36,000  muskets ;  they  have 
hanged  M.  de  Flesselle,  provost  of  the  merchants ;  all  car- 
riages are  stopped ;  every  one  in  Paris  is  made  to  go  a-foot. 
The  nobles  are  insulted.  The  Comte  d'Artois  and  his  chil- 
dren, the  Princes  de  Conde\  Conti,  and  Bourbon,  with  many 
other  persons,  among  them  the  Baron  de  Breteuil,  have  fled, 
under  assumed  names  to  protect  themselves  from  the  people. 
No  one  is  allowed  to  leave  Paris ;  all  is  confusion,  disorder, 
consternation.  The  assembly  of  the  electors  at  the  Hotel-de- 
Ville  has  little  power,  as  the  execution  of  M.  de  Toulon  and 
Berthier  plainly  shows. 

At  the  present  moment  Paris  is  rather  more  tranquil,  but 
not  enough  so  to  induce  persons  to  remain  in  it.  Every  day 
great  numbers  of  the  inhabitants  leave  it,  and  by  winter, 
unless  quiet  is  restored,  it  will  be  deserted.  The  king  has 
gone  to  Paris  in  the  hope  of  producing  calmness,  but  the 
effect  has  not  been  all  that  he  expected. 


1789J  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  73 

You  will  see  in  the  "  Journal  de  Paris  "  and  other  papers, 
the  details  of  all  this,  which  are  fairly  correct;  nothing 
is  exaggerated,  for  it  is  not  possible  to  exaggerate  what  has 
happened,  and  is  still  happening.  Riots  are  taking  place  in 
all  the  cities  of  the  kingdom,  but  they  seem  to  be  only  a 
parody  of  what  is  going  on  in  Paris.  So  far  all  is  confined 
to  breaking  into  the  tax  offices  and  opening  the  prisons,  for 
it  is  the  lowest  of  the  populace  who  make  the  disorder.  The 
bourgeoisie  was  immediately  armed  and  that  did  much  to 
restore  tranquillity.  We  have  had  our  little  riot  here  [Val- 
enciennes], but  it  is  all  over.  Now,  the  idle  scoundrels  have 
spread  themselves  over  the  country  districts;  they  are  pil- 
laging, or  putting  under  contribution  all  the  abbeys  and 
chateaux;  they  are  hunted  everywhere,  and  yesterday,  in 
one  spot,  we  captured  one  hundred  and  nineteen;  many 
more  will  probably  be  taken. 

That,  my  dear  father,  is  the  sad  news  of  this  country ;  it 
is  in  a  state  of  violent  crisis;  we  must  now  see  what  the 
States-general  will  do;  but  at  this  moment  all  bonds  are 
broken ;  obedience  has  disappeared  in  the  army,  and  I  doubt 
if  it  will  be  as  easy  to  restore  things  as  it  has  been  to  over- 
throw them. 

Valenciennes,  August  15,  1789. 

Disorder  is  increasing  throughout  the  country,  and  God 
alone  knows  what  will  come  of  it.  Paris  is  the  focus  of 
trouble,  and  nearly  every  one  is  in  haste  to  leave  it.  Vaga- 
bonds and  deserters  are  taking  refuge  there,  and  the  number 
of  the  latter  is  very  considerable.  They  are  received  into 
the  new  militia  which  is  being  raised  under  the  command  of 
the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  [the  National  Guard] ;  they  have 
better  pay  than  in  our  regiments  and  there  are  no  means 
not  employed  to  entice  them.  It  is  said  that  according  to 
the  report  of  the  regiments  rendered  to  the  war  office,  there 


74  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  hi. 

have  been,  since  July  13,  12,750  deserters,  without  counting 
the  Gardes  Francaises.  The  king's  authority  is  totally  an- 
nihilated, so  is  that  of  the  parliaments  and  the  magistrates  ; 
the  States-general  themselves  tremble  before  Paris,  and  this 
fear  greatly  influences  their  deliberations.  There  are  no 
longer  in  this  kingdom  either  laws,  order,  justice,  discipline, 
or  religion ;  all  bonds  are  broken ;  and  how  can  they  be  re- 
established ?  that  is  what  I  do  not  know,  but  these  are  the 
effects  of  the  progress  of  the  ideas  of  anglomania  and  philoso- 
phy ;  France  is  ruined  for  a  long  time  to  come. 

Valenciennes,  September  3,  1789. 
All  bonds  are  broken ;  the  king's  authority  is  null ;  the 
National  Assembly  itself  trembles  before  Paris,  and  Paris 
trembles  before  forty  to  fifty  thousand  bandits  or  vagrants 
established  at  Montmartre  or  in  the  Palais-Eoyal,  from  which 
they  cannot  be  driven.  In  the  provinces  the  people  are 
intoxicated  with  the  idea,  long  spread  by  philosophers  in 
their  writings,  that  all  men  are  equal ;  and  the  abolition  of 
feudal  rights  and  others  (voted  so  glibly  by  the  Assembly  in 
three  hours  time,  after  a  supper)  has  persuaded  them  that 
they  have  nothing  more  to  pay.  Everywhere  they  are  rush- 
ing into  frightful  excesses  against  the  chateaux  of  the  nobles, 
which  they  pillage  and  burn,  with  all  their  deeds  and  papers ; 
they  even  maltreat  the  owners  if  they  find  them  there.  You 
will  see  the  details  in  the  newspapers  and  there  is  nothing 
exaggerated  in  them.  In  all  the  towns  the  people  have 
broken  into  the  offices  and  driven  away  the  clerks  of  the 
farms ; 1  in  nearly  all  the  provinces  they  refuse  to  pay.  The 
taxes  cannot  be  collected;  the  troops  are  won  over,  or  se- 
duced by  the  hope  of  liberty,  or  money.     The  king  will  soon 

1  The  farms,  fermes,  it  will  be  remembered,  meant  under  the  old  mon- 
archy the  farming  out  of  the  public  revenues  to  "  farmers-general,"  who 
levied  them  for  the  royal  treasury  at  a  profit  to  themselves.  —  Tb. 


1789]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  75 

be  unable  to  meet  his  engagements,  and  bankruptcy  is  immi- 
nent. The  nobles  are  in  despair ;  the  clergy  are,  as  it  were, 
struck  demented,  and  the  tiers  etat  is  wholly  dissatisfied : 
it  is  the  canaille  who  reign,  and  are  satisfied  because,  having 
nothing  to  lose,  they  can  only  gain.  No  one  dares  to  com- 
mand, and  no  one  is  willing  to  obey. 

Such  is  the  liberty  of  France,  and  the  state  in  which  she 
is  at  this  moment.  One  shudders  at  seeing  what  is  going  on, 
and  it  is  impossible  to  foresee  how  these  things  will  end.  All 
this  makes  me  very  unhappy.  I  share  with  you,  my  dear 
father,  the  attachment  you  feel  for  France,  and  I  cannot  see 
its  ruin  without  the  keenest  sorrow.  Many  regiments  have 
mutinied ;  some  have  even  laid  hands  on  their  chief  officers. 
In  our  regiment  things  have  not  gone  so  far  as  yet,  but  for 
three  days  the  soldiers  forced  the  gates  of  the  quarters  and 
of  the  town,  and  went  to  drink  in  the  country,  where  they 
committed  very  horrible  excesses.  On  the  third  day  they 
would  certainly  have  pillaged  and  fired  the  town  if  the 
generale  had  not  been  beaten  [call  to  all  citizens  to  assemble]. 
Aided  by  the  bourgeois  militia,  we  have  now  re-established 
order  and  quiet. 

The  extraordinary  part  is  that  the  same  thing  has  hap- 
pened in  nearly  all  the  garrisons,  and  that  throughout  the 
kingdom  the  mutinies  have  all  been  alike.  Secret  agents 
distribute  money ;  these  men  are  known  nearly  everywhere ; 
the  leaders  of  the  seditions,  tried  and  hanged,  have  de- 
nounced them ;  but  whether  it  be  weakness,  or  fear,  or 
complicity,  or  the  absence  of  laws  or  the  lack  of  means  to 
enforce  those  that  still  exist,  —  certain  it  is  that  the  magis- 
trates dare  not  take  steps ;  nothing  is  done  against  these  men, 
and  they  are  left  in  peace  to  stir  up  anarchy,  mutiny,  license, 
and  to  work  for  the  ruin  of  the  State.     The  Due  d'Orle'ans 

[great-grandson  of  the  Regent,  who  presently  took  the  name  of 
Ver.  8  C  Mem. 


76  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE   OF         [chap.  hi. 

Philippe  Egalit^]  is  strongly  suspected  of  being  the  leader 
and  motive-power  of  all  this. 

If  I  were  writing  from  Paris  I  should  not  dare  to  tell  you 
these  things ;  the  epistolary  inquisition  has  been  very  close ; 
the  letters  of  the  king  and  queen  have  not  escaped  it.  I 
think  it  has  ceased  at  present ;  but  it  is  more  prudent  not  to 
trust  to  this.  When  you  write  to  me,  my  dear  father,  you 
can  freely  say  what  you  please ;  coming  from  you  it  can 
only  do  good ;  but  you  must  be  kind  enough  not  to  refer 
to  what  I  have  written  to  you  on  this  subject. 

Paris,  October  9,  1789. 

All  the  public  papers  have  told  you,  my  dear  father,  of 
what  happened  at  Versailles  on  Monday,  5th,  and  Tuesday, 
6th,  and  of  the  coming  of  the  king  to  Paris  with  his  family. 
I  was  witness  of  it  all  and  I  returned  to  Paris  in  one  of  the 
carriages  of  the  king's  suite ;  we  were  six  hours  and  a  half  on 
the  way.  God  keep  me  from  ever  again  seeing  so  afflicting 
a  sight  as  that  of  those  two  days. 

The  people  seem  enchanted  to  see  the  king  and  his  family ; 
the  queen  is  much  applauded,  and  she  cannot  fail  to  be 
when  they  know  her,  and  do  justice  to  her  desire  for  the 
right,  and  to  the  kindness  of  her  heart.  The  States-general 
are  to  come  to  Paris  and  begin  their  sessions ;  I  do  not  yet 
know  on  what  day. 

[Towards  the  close  of  the  year  1789  Count  Fersen  rejoined 
his  regiment,  still  at  Valenciennes.  He  pacified  a  sedition 
which  had  just  broken  out,  and  punished  the  leaders  of  it. 
He  then  received  orders  from  King  Gustavus  III.  to  return 
to  Paris  and  remain  there  near  the  King  of  France,  to  convey 
to  him  letters,  to  explain  to  him  the  sentiments  of  the  king, 
his  own  master,  and  to  facilitate  to  the  utmost  of  his  power 


1790]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  77 

communication  between  the  two  sovereigns,  as  will  be  seen 
by  the  following  letter  :  — ] 

To  His  Majesty,  the  King  of  Sweden. 

Aix-la-Chapblle,  January  7, 1790. 

Sire,  —  I  received  last  night  at  eleven  o'clock  the  letter 
which  Y.  M.,  deigned  to  do  me  the  honour  to  write  to  me 
by  Baron  d'Ugglas.  Nothing  could  natter  me  more  than 
the  expressions  and  assurance  it  contained;  they  will 
always  be  precious  to  me  and  I  have  been  deeply  touched 
by  them.  .  .  . 

To  fulfil  the  intention  of  Y.  M.,  I  think  it  would  be  better 
not  to  hasten  my  return  to  Paris ;  it  might  give  rise  to  con- 
jectures at  a  time  when  all  actions,  even  the  simplest,  are 
watched  and  interpreted.  Baron  Taube  is  of  my  opinion; 
it  will  be,  after  all,  a  delay  of  only  ten  days ;  I  shall  be  in 
Paris  on  the  17th  or  18th. 

The  details  into  which  Y.  M.  has  entered  as  to  the  affairs 
of  Sweden  and  France  are  a  new  proof  of  kindness  by 
which  I  am  deeply  touched.  The  affairs  of  France  are  dis- 
tressing, and  Y.  M.  has  seized  them  from  the  right  point  of 
view.  I  believe,  as  you  do,  that  M.  Necker  is  very  guilty, 
and  that  nothing  but  a  civil  or  a  foreign  war  can  restore 
France  and  the  royal  authority ;  but  how  is  that  to  be 
brought  about,  with  the  king  a  prisoner  in  Paris  ?  It  was  a 
false  step  to  allow  himself  to  be  brought  there.  Now  it  be- 
comes necessary  to  try  to  get  him  out  of  it ;  and  the  declaration 
made  by  the  king  in  October  that  he  was  free  and,  to  prove 
it,  would  visit  the  provinces  in  the  spring,  is  a  good  pretext 
to  leave  the  city ;  meantime  the  Assembly  must  be  allowed 
to  commit  its  follies. 

Once  out  of  Paris,  the  king  ought  to  be  able  to  give  birth 
to  a  new  order  of  things.     If  he  is  prevented  from  leaving 


78  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  hi. 

Paris,  his  captivity  will  be  shown  to  the  provinces,  and  in 
that  case  a  great  change  may  be  looked  for.  His  party  is 
already  much  increased  in  the  Assembly  and  in  the  pro- 
vinces ;  the  courage,  firmness,  and  good  conduct  of  the  queen 
have  brought  many  back  to  her.  All  the  nobles,  except  a 
few,  not  worthy  of  being  such,  are  devoted  to  her,  the  clergy 
the  same ;  so  is  nearly  the  whole  of  the  good  bourgeoisie,  and 
the  number  increases  daily.  There  are  none  now  but  the 
canaille  who  are  still  stirred  up  by  the  famous  words  "  des- 
potism "  and  "  aristocracy ; "  but  a  winter  of  experience  and 
poverty  —  for  everybody  is  saving  and  reforming,  and  nobody 
spends  or  gives  —  such  a  winter  may  calm  and  change  a  great 
many. 

The  noble,  feeling,  and  generous  manner  in  which  Y.  M. 
expresses  yourself  on  the  situation  of  the  king  and  queen  of 
France  is  worthy  of  Y.  M.  All  the  world  shares  that  senti- 
ment of  indignation;  but  none  of  them  dare  to  undertake 
anything  for  fear  of  compromising  themselves ;  they  all  seem 
awaiting  the  moment  when  the  king  shall  be  out  of  Paris  be- 
fore declaring  their  intentions  openly.  The  letters  that  Y.  M. 
sends  to  the  king  and  queen,  can  only  touch  them ;  one  is 
always  more  sensitive  to  kindness  when  unhappy.  The  com- 
mission which  Y.  M.  gives  me  is  too  agreeable  to  let  me  fail 
in  endeavouring  to  fulfil  it  myself.  Besides  which,  I  know 
no  one  to  trust.  .  .  . 

I  came  here  from  Valenciennes  two  days  ago  to  see  Baron 
Taube.     I  am  not  satisfied  about  his  state  of  health.  .  .  . 

I  am,  Sire,  with  the  most  profound  respect,  Your  Majesty's 
very  humble  and  obedient  servant  and  faithful  subject, 

Axel  Fersen. 

[In  consequence  of  these  orders  Count  Fersen  went  to 
Paris  at  the  end  of  January  1790  and  remained  there  until 


1790]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  79 

Louis  XVI.'s  abortive  attempt  to  escape  in  June,  1791.    His 
letters  to  his  father  continue  as  follows :  — ] 

Paris,  February  1,  1790. 

I  profit  eagerly  by  the  return  of  M.  d'Ugglas  to  write  you 
freely  and  without  restraint,  for  the  post  is  not  safe ;  there 
is  such  great  inquisition,  so  many  committees  of  search,  and 
so  much  conspiracy,  that  no  one  dares  to  either  speak  or  write. 
What  a  frightful  situation  this  fine  kingdom  is  in  !  no  force 
within,  and  no  respect  without !  It  is  null  in  the  political 
system  of  Europe ;  within,  it  is  in  complete  anarchy.  All 
bonds  are  dissolved  ;  there  is  no  obedience  to  laws,  no  respect 
for  religion,  which  does  not  exist  except  in  name.  They  have 
taught  the  people  to  feel  their  strength,  and  they  are  using  it 
with  ferocity.  The  nobles,  clergy,  and  parliament,  who  set 
the  first  examples  of  disobedience  and  resistance,  are  the  first 
victims:  they  are  ruined  and  their  chateaux  burned.  The 
upper  bourgeoisie,  who  were  also  seduced,  repent  now,  but 
too  late.  The  workmen,  manufacturers,  and  artisans,  all  are 
ruined  and  dissatisfied,  for  purses  are  closed.  Every  one  is 
desiring  another  order  of  things ;  but  —  the  populace  is 
armed,  and  having  nothing  to  lose,  it  has  everything  to  gain. 
A  mass  of  persons,  whom  hatreds,  jealousies,  and  private 
revenge  have  led  to  conduct  themselves  ill  to  the  king  and 
to  forget  their  obligations  to  him,  hoping  for  no  oblivion  of 
what  they  have  done  except  in  a  total  subversion,  are  incite 
ing  the  canaille  with  the  great  words  "  Liberty,"  "  despotism  " 
and  "  aristocracy." 

The  Assembly  [the  Constituent  Assembly]  is  divided 
into  three  parties :  the  aristocrats,  the  impartials,  and  the 
fanatics.  The  first  are  at  present  for  the  king,  because  that 
is  also  for  their  selfish  interests.  The  impartials  are  the 
most  reasonable,  but,  from  that  cause  alone,  the  weakest. 


80  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF        [chap.  in. 

The  fanatics  are  the  strongest,  and  are  all  against  the  king  ; 
and  M.  Necker,  as  ignorant  in  administration  as  he  was  said 
to  be  learned  in  finance,  imbued  with  philosophic  ideas,  has 
never  reflected  that  he  ought  to  win  opinions  for  the  king. 
He  looks  on  means  of  seduction  as  not  honest ;  he  has 
wanted  to  remain  an  honest  man  in  the  midst  of  rascals,  and 
he  has  been  their  dupe.  His  immoderate  conceit  made  him 
believe  he  could  persuade  them,  but  England's  money  has 
stronger  and  more  irresistible  arguments.  M.  Necker  is  not 
only  guilty  through  ignorance,  he  is  also  guilty  of  treachery. 
He  wished  to  be  the  minister  of  the  people,  to  reign  through 
them,  and  to  force  the  king  to  be  unable  to  do  without  him. 
He  sacrificed  the  king  and  the  State  to  his  ambition.  It  is 
true  that  he  is  punished  for  it ;  his  influence  is  completely 
null  to-day ;  punishment,  however,  repairs  nothing ;  and  the 
king  was  wrong  not  to  reign  by  him,  inasmuch  as  he  saw  that 
he  could  not  reign  without  him. 

Among  the  ministers  there  are  none  but  MM.  de  la 
Luzerne  and  Saint-Priest  who  are  well-intentioned  towards 
the  king ;  the  others  are  all  imbeciles  or  knaves,  in  whom 
no  confidence  whatever  can  be  placed.  M.  de  Saint-Priest 
joins  to  intellect  both  character  and  firmness,  and  if  occasion 
should  present  itself  he  is  the  only  man  on  whom  the  king 
can  rely.  I  am  on  very  good  terms  with  him ;  his  house  is 
mine ;  he  loads  me  with  kindness,  civilities,  and  confidence. 
I  know  from  him  all  that  happens,  and  sometimes  he  even 
consults  me.  In  spite  of  that,  I  only  tell  him  what  I 
choose;  I  am  prudent,  for  reserve  is  more  than  ever 
necessary. 

The  National  Assembly  continues  its  folly.  The  provinces 
are  more  in  a  ferment  than  ever,  and  the  king  is  a  prisoner 
in  Paris.  His  position  —  but  above  all,  that  of  the  queen, 
who  feels  it  much  more  keenly  than  he  does  —  is  dreadfuL 


1790]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  81 

The  queen  has  shown  and  still  shows  a  courage,  character, 
and  conduct  which  have  won  her  many  adherents. 

At  this  moment  a  party  of  the  fanatics,  with  M.  de  Lafay- 
ette at  their  head,  want  to  let  themselves  be  won  over  to  the 
king.  The  opportunity  ought  not  to  be  lost;  because  a 
change  for  the  better  might  then  be  hoped.  You  will  cer- 
tainly hear  of  the  step  the  king  has  taken  towards  the 
Assembly  [agreeing  to  its  abolishment  of  the  rights  of  primo- 
geniture] ;  this  step  is  blamed  and  approved ;  one  party  of  the 
fanatics  desired  it ;  at  that  price  they  promised  to  put  back 
into  the  king's  hands  all  executive  power  and  the  army. 
A  fraction  of  the  aristocrats  is  displeased  with  it;  the 
others  have  decided  to  remain  faithful  to  the  king  and  to 
contribute  all  in  their  power  to  the  good  of  the  cause.  It  is 
impossible  to  see  the  result  of  the  king's  action;  but,  at 
least,  if  it  does  no  good  it  cannot  do  harm. 

Paris,  April  2, 1790. 
Little  change.  The  States-general  do  what  they  choose, 
without  the  slightest  opposition;  they  reform  and  destroy 
everything  with  the  utmost  levity ;  but  they  do  not  create  so 
readily,  and  what  they  establish  takes  root  with  difficulty. 
Poverty  and  discontent  are  increasing ;  they  are  beginning  to 
touch  the  people,  especially  the  populace  of  Paris,  which 
now  finds  itself  without  resource,  owing  to  the  diminution  or 
annihilation  of  fortunes  occasioned  by  the  degrees  of  the 
Assembly.  There  are  persons  who  have  lost  40,000  to  50,000 
francs  a  year,  and  others  their  whole  revenue,  by  the  aboli- 
tion of  feudal  rights.  Most  of  the  workmen  and  artisans 
have  come  to  beggary.  The  shopkeepers  are  earning  nothing, 
for  nobody  buys.  The  best  workmen  are  leaving  the  king- 
dom, and  the  streets  are  full  of  paupers.  One  and  all 
they  blame  the  Assembly ;  they  reproach  it  for  the  absence 


82  DIARY  AND   CORRESPONDENCE  OF        [chap.  in. 

of  the  great  world,  who  were  their  subsistence,  and  for 
the  diminution  of  fortunes  which  forces  every  one  to  econo- 
mize. The  royal  treasury  is  exhausted ;  the  taxes  are  very 
ill-paid  or  not  paid  at  all ;  there  is  neither  credit  nor  confi- 
dence ;  money  has  disappeared,  every  one  hoards  it ;  nothing 
is  seen  but  bills  on  the  caisse  d'escompte,  which  lose  six  per 
cent  in  realizing  them. 

There,  my  dear  father,  is  the  present  state  of  things.  God 
knows  how  it  will  end.  M.  Necker  is  worse  than  ever ;  his 
health  is  quite  destroyed,  and  I  do  not  believe  he  can  live. 
He  will  be  regretted  by  very  few. 

Paris,  June  28,  1790. 

You  will  see  by  the  public  papers  about  the  state  of  the 
army ;  there  is  no  longer  any  order  or  discipline.  All  heads 
are  turned;  the  soldiers  form  committees;  they  dismiss, 
break,  judge,  and  sometimes  execute  their  officers.  Every 
day  we  hear  new  horrors,  and  there  is  no  longer  any  pleasure 
in  serving.  My  regiment  [the  Eoyal-Swedish]  has  behaved 
marvellously  well  up  to  the  present  time,  though  everything 
has  been  done  to  seduce  it.  There  has  not  been  the  slightest 
insubordination,  and  I  hope  that  this  may  continue. 

Paris,  July  16, 1790. 
The  famous  Federation,  which  had  inspired  such  fears  and 
was  made  such  a  bugbear,  driving  so  many  persons  out  of 
Paris,  passed  off  very  quietly.  The  ceremony,  which  might 
have  been  very  august,  very  fine,  and  very  imposing,  from 
the  enormous  mass  of  assistants  and  the  beauty  of  the  scene, 
was  made  ridiculous  by  the  disorder  and  indecency  which 
reigned  there.  You  will  see  a  description  of  it  in  the  public 
papers,  and  you  know  the  situation  of  the  Champ  de  Mars. 
But  what  the  papers  will  not  tell  you  is  that  there  was  no 
order,  no  one  was  in  his  right  place ;  the  soldiers,  who  ought 


1790]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  83 

to  have  lined  the  arena  as  guard,  obeyed  no  one ;  they  ran 
about  hither  and  thither,  dancing  and  singing,  and  before 
the  arrival  of  the  king  and  the  Federal  troops,  they  took  a 
priest  and  two  monks  from  the  altar  and,  putting  grenadier's 
caps  on  their  heads  and  muskets  on  their  shoulders,  they 
marched  them  round  the  amphitheatre,  singing  and  dancing, 
like  so  many  savages  before  they  eat  Christians.  At  the 
moment  of  the  mass  people  sang  and  danced,  and  no  one 
knelt  at  the  elevation  of  the  Host,  which  made  many 
persons  who  were  present  declare  that  the  mass  was  not 
said  at  all. 

Those,  my  dear  father,  are  little  anecdotes  which  will  give 
you  an  idea  of  what  happened,  and  which  I  am  sure  you  will 
not  find  in  any  newspaper.  I  ought  to  add  that  the  populace 
and  the  National  Guard,  even  those  who  were  armed  and  on 
duty,  forced  the  sentinels  and  entered,  with  their  acquaint- 
ances, into  the  box  of  the  ambassadors  to  shelter  themselves 
from  a  shower ;  and  we  should  have  been  forced,  if  they  had 
been  more  numerous,  to  vacate  the  place.     They  were  not 

turned  out. 

Paris,  November  5,  1790. 

The  disorders  increase  daily,  and,  to  crown  all  evils,  we 
cannot  foresee  the  end.  Poverty  is  felt  everywhere ;  coin  has 
disappeared ;  assignats,  which  were  substituted  for  it,  have 
little  or  no  credit ;  a  thousand  objections  to  receiving  them 
in  payment  are  made ;  in  many  of  the  provinces  the  people 
will  not  take  them  at  all.  The  merchants  sell  nothing; 
manufactories  are  at  a  standstill ;  provisions  grow  dearer ; 
the  quantity  of  paupers  has  increased  so  much  that  their 
number  is  terrifying.  Paris,  which  is  tranquil  and  safe 
enough  for  individuals,  is  full  of  thieves  ;  one  hears  of  noth- 
ing but  robberies  committed,  and  as  there  is  little  law  and 
order  they  are  not  prevented  and  remain  unpunished.     This 


84  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  hi. 

state  of  things  cannot  last,  and  the  discontent,  which  is 
becoming  general,  will  lead  slowly  to  a  change  in  affairs. 
When  once  the  discontent  rises  to  its  height  the  new  order 
of  things  will  be  as  quickly  overthrown  as  the  old  order  was ; 
this  is  the  effect  of  the  vivacity  and  volatility  of  French 
heads. 

Paris,  January  3,  1791. 

The  affair  of  the  clergy  is  making  a  great  noise  here  at 
this  moment,  and  the  consequences  cannot  be  foreseen.  The 
Bishop  of  Clermont,  who  tried  to  propose  a  modification  of  the 
required  oath  and  a  form  of  adhesion  to  the  decrees  of  the 
Assembly  in  all  that  concerns  temporal  matters,  was  not  lis- 
tened to ;  they  forced  him  to  answer  "yes  "  or  "  no  " ;  he  an- 
swered "  no,"  and  was  followed  by  the  majority  of  the  clergy. 
Ninety-five  refused  the  oath,  against  sixty  who  took  it,  among 
the  latter  two  bishops,  —  the  Bishop  of  Autun  and  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Bordeaux.  All  the  other  bishops  of  France,  except 
the  Archbishop  of  Sens  and  the  Bishop  of  Lidda  refused  like- 
wise, and  from  that  moment  schism  was  established.  Many 
persons  think  that  this  will  make  a  great  turmoil  in  the  prov- 
inces ;  I  do  not  believe  it.  The  people  do  not  understand  this 
article  of  faith, —  it  is  not  within  their  range ;  and  they  will 
be  delighted  to  choose  their  own  bishop  and  their  own  rector. 
But  I  shall  not  be  surprised  if  there  are  massacres,  and  if 
evil-minded  persons  profit  by  the  refusal  of  the  rectors  of 
Paris  to  excite  the  canaille  against  them  and  so  create  an 
uproar.     Those  men  have  all  to  gain  and  nothing  to  lose  by 

tumult.     Unhappy  country ! 

February  15,  1791. 

My  position  here  is  different  from  that  of  every  one  else. 
I  have  always  been  treated  with  kindness  and  distinction  in 
this  country  by  the  ministers  and  by  the  king  and  queen. 
Your  reputation  and  your  services,  my  dear   father,  have 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  85 

been  my  passport  and  my  recommendation;  perhaps  a  judi- 
cious, circumspect,  and  discreet  conduct  have  won  me  appro, 
bation  and  esteem  and  some  success.  I  am  attached  to  the 
king  and  queen,  and  I  ought  to  be  for  the  manner,  so  full  of 
kindness,  with  which  they  always  treated  me  when  they  were 
able  to  do  so ;  and  I  should  be  vile  and  ungrateful  if  I  aban- 
doned them  now  when  they  can  do  nothing  more  for  me  and 
while  I  have  still  the  hope  of  being  useful  to  them.  To  all  the 
many  kindnesses  with  which  they  loaded  me  they  have  now 
added  a  flattering  distinction  —  that  of  confidence  ;  and  it  is 
all  the  more  flattering  because  it  is  limited  to  four  persons,  of 
whom  I  am  the  youngest.1 

If  we  can  serve  them,  what  pleasure  I  shall  have  in  re- 
turning a  part  of  the  many  obligations  I  am  under  to  them . 
what  sweet  enjoyment  to  my  heart  if  I  am  able  to  contribute 
to  their  welfare !  Yours  feels  it,  my  dear  father,  and  you 
cannot  but  approve  of  me.  This  conduct  is  the  only  one 
that  is  worthy  of  your  son,  and,  though  it  may  cost  you  some- 
thing, you  would  be  the  first  to  order  me  to  follow  it,  if  I 
were  capable  of  taking  any  other.  In  the  course  of  this  sum- 
mer all  these  events  must  surely  develop  and  decide  them- 
selves :  if  they  are  unfortunate  and  all  hope  is  lost,  nothing 
shall  then  prevent  my  going  to  you. 

[In  the  month  of  March,  1791,  the  king  and  queen  asked 
the  advice  of  Count  Fersen  as  to  their  situation,  and  he  gave 
them  his  opinion  in  the  following  paper :  — ] 

1  These  four  persons  were  (1)  the  Baron  de  Breteuil,  lately  minister  of 
state,  who  had  emigrated  in  July,  1789,  and  was  now  the  confidential 
agent  of  the  King  of  France  to  the  European  Powers;  (2)  the  Marquis  de 
Bouille',  commanding  certain  troops  in  Metz;  (3)  the  Comte  de  Mercy, 
minister  and  friend  of  the  late  Empress  Maria  Theresa,  at  one  time  Aus- 
trian ambassador  at  the  French  Court,  now  minister  of  the  Low  Coun- 
tries under  the  Archduchess  Maria  Christina;  (4)  Count  Fersen  him- 
self.  — Tr. 


86  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  in. 

Memorial  of  Count  Fersen  to  the  King  and  Queen  of  France. 

March  27,  1791. 

There  seems  no  doubt  that  it  is  necessary  to  act,  and  to 
act  vigorously,  if  order  and  prosperity  are  to  be  restored,  the 
kingdom  saved  from  total  ruin,  its  dismemberment  prevented, 
the  king  replaced  upon  the  throne,  and  his  authority  returned 
to  him.  The  steady,  uniform  advance  of  the  Jacobins  in 
their  wickedness,  the  disunion  of  the  democrats  in  the  As- 
sembly, the  discontent  of  the  provinces,  which  visibly  in- 
creases but  has  no  vent  for  want  of  a  centre  and  point  of 
union,  the  determination  of  the  princes,  particularly  the 
Prince  de  Cond£,  to  act  if  the  king  does  not  act  —  all  this 
indicates  that  the  moment  has  come  to  take  a  course;  it 
seems  a  favourable  moment;  and  the  more  delay  there  is, 
the  more  difficult  it  will  be. 

But  how  act  —  after  the  news  received  from  the  emperor 
[Leopold  II.,  the  queen's  brother],  the  slowness  and  indeci- 
sion of  Spain,  and  the  difficulty  of  finding  money?  Two 
courses  present  themselves:  one  is  to  undertake  nothing 
before  having  formed  alliances  and  obtained  from  the  differ- 
ent Powers  all  necessary  help,  in  men  as  well  as  money ;  the 
other  is  to  leave  Paris,  waiting  only  to  be  assured  of  the 
good-will  of  the  foreign  Powers  and  to  obtain  the  necessary 
money  to  pay  the  troops  for  two  or  three  months,  by  which 
time  a  loan  can  be  made  in  Switzerland. 

The  first  of  these  courses  is,  without  contradiction,  the 
safest ;  it  presents  less  dangers  for  Their  Majesties,  and  the 
advantage  of  a  less  doubtful,  or  at  any  rate,  a  less  disputable 
success.  But  as  it  is  not  possible  to  see  the  period  of  it, 
must  we  not  fear  that  the  ills  of  the  State,  increasing  during 
that  time,  may  become  more  difficult  to  repair  ?  Will  not 
habit  and  discouragement  become  so  fixed  that  it  will  then 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  87 

be  impossible  to  conquer  them  ?  Will  not  the  now  excited 
brains  calm  down  and  then  unite  to  create  an  order  of  things 
still  more  disadvantageous  to  the  king,  but  which  private 
persons  will  prefer,  for  the  tranquillity  it  will  give  them,  to 
the  convulsions  of  civil  war  ?  Moreover,  will  not  the 
princes,  before  the  period  first  mentioned  can  arrive,  them- 
selves make  efforts  which,  if  successful,  will  give  them  the 
honour  and  the  fruits,  rallying  to  their  side  the  nobles  and 
all  those  discontented  with  the  present  regime,  and  will  they 
not  then  be  masters  of  the  kingdom  and  of  Their  Majesties  ? 

The  second  course  is  the  most  hazardous.  The  Comte  de 
Mercy  and  Baron  de  Breteuil  seem  to  indicate  it.  Their 
hope  of  success  is  founded  on  great  probabilities.  The 
emperor  and  Spain  are  well  disposed,  but  Spain  will  do 
nothing  without  the  emperor ;  and  the  latter,  from  mis- 
taken policy  and  timid  forethought,  wants  to  delay  the  period 
of  manifesting  his  good-will.  (The  Northern  powers  are 
well-intentioned,  but  their  distance  and  the  war  with  the 
Turks  hinders  them  from  seconding  the  views  of  Their 
Majesties  in  a  more  active  manner.)  We  are  almost  sure  of 
Sardinia  and  Switzerland,  and  it  is  probable  that  a  very 
marked  advance  of  Their  Majesties  to  those  two  Powers  would 
decide  them,  for  they  are  perhaps  undecided  only  by  a  doubt 
of  the  firmness  of  Their  Majesties'  resolution,  and  by  a  fear 
of  committing  themselves  uselessly  should  that  resolution 
change;  M.  de  Mercy  seems  to  indicate  as  much  in  his 
letter. 

Such  a  course  would  have  something  grand,  noble, 
imposing,  and  audacious,  the  effect  of  which,  both  on  the 
kingdom  and  in  Europe  would  be  incalculable;  it  might 
bring  back  the  army  and  prevent  its  total  decomposition ;  it 
would  fix  the  Constitution,  and  prevent  the  factions  from 
making  such  changes  in  it  as  would  consolidate  the  revolu- 


88  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  in. 

tion,  and,  if  done  at  this  moment,  would  make  the  move- 
ment of  the  princes  useful  to  the  king,  whereas,  if  they  act 
alone  and  meet  with  reverses  they  could  not,  at  the  later 
period,  be  of  service  to  his  cause. 

Whatever  may  be  the  course  which  Their  Majesties  adopt, 
it  seems  necessary  to  await  the  answers  of  Vienna  and  Spain 
on  the  plan  communicated  to  them,  in  order  to  fully  under- 
stand their  disposition  and  what  can  be  expected  of  them. 
If  the  first  course  is  adopted,  BouiUi's  preparations  must  be 
stopped  and  negotiations  continued.  If  the  second  is  pre- 
ferred, preparations  must  go  on  and  all  be  made  ready  for 
execution;  the  necessary  money  must  be  found;  a  well- 
intentioned  and  capable  person  chosen  to  go  at  once  to 
England  and  sound,  skilfully  and  without  compromising 
himself,  the  intentions  of  that  Power.  This  person  should 
not  receive  his  instructions  till  the  moment  of  departure ;  they 
should  be  to  negotiate  with  that  Court  for  its  absolute 
neutrality,  either  by  reasonable  sacrifices  or  by  forcing  it 
with  the  help  of  the  Northern  Powers,  whose  disposition  is 
not  equivocal,  but  who,  in  consequence  of  their  great  dis- 
tance, cannot  assist  the  king  in  a  more  direct  manner. 

From  the  certainty  which  Their  Majesties  have  of  the 
intentions  of  the  King  of  Sweden  and  his  desire  to  be  use- 
ful to  them,  would  they  feel  any  impropriety  in  authorizing 
me  to  communicate  to  him  the  plan  they  may  adopt,  and 
their  intention  to  profit  by  the  good  disposition  he  manifests, 
and  claim  his  good  offices  to  restrain  England  in  case  that 
Power  refuses  to  listen  to  any  proposal  for  accommodation  and 
tries  to  put  obstacles  to  the  execution  of  Their  Majesties'  pro- 
ject ?  This  mark  of  confidence  would  flatter  the  King  of 
Sweden  and  could  only  interest  him  the  more  in  the  ultimate 
results.  As  this  overture  would  pass  through  Baron  Taube, 
whose  attachment  to  his  master  and  to  Their  Majesties  is 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  89 

known  to  me,  I  would  tell  him  to  make  no  use  of  it  but  that 

which  he  believes  necessary  and  most  advantageous  for  Their 

Majesties. 

I  have  the  honour  to  send  to  the  queen  a  few  reflections 

on  the  present  state  of  affairs,  also  the  translation  of  a  letter 

I  have  just  received  ;  it  will  prove  still  further  to  H.  M.  how 

earnestly  the  King  of  Sweden  is  interested  in  the   [word 

omitted]  of  Their  Majesties  and  the  means  of  being  useful 

to  them. 

To  his  father. 

Paris,  April  10,  1791. 

It  seems  as  if  the  Assembly  has  taken  upon  itself  the  task 
of  ruining  this  unhappy  kingdom ;  it  is  succeeding.  The  re- 
volutionaries have  destroyed  everything  and  put  nothing  in  its 
place.  Coin  has  disappeared,  —  there  are  nothing  but  bank 
bills  at  six  per  cent  discount ;  they  wish  to  substitute  others, 
called  assignats,  which  will  be  forced  and  bring  in  four  and  a 
half  per  cent ;  these  are  to  be  hypothecated  on  the  sale  of 
the  property  of  the  clergy.  But  there  is  no  confidence,  and 
this  property  will  barely  suffice  to  pay  the  debts  of  the 
clergy  and  public  worship.  Credit  is  gone,  for  everybody 
is  ruined ;  the  suppression  of  feudal  rights  upset  all  fortunes 
and  diminished  them  by  more  than  half ;  sometimes  it  de- 
stroyed them  utterly.  Up  to  that  point  the  state  of  France 
resembled  that  of  Sweden ;  but  add  to  it  that  the  chateaux 
are  pillaged  or  burned,  the  owners  massacred  or  fugitive ; 
that  there  is  neither  authority  nor  order  ;  that  the  Assembly 
is  led  by  the  most  perverted  and  infamous  men,  who  have 
no  interest  except  in  general  disorder  and  misfortune ;  that 
the  kingdom  groans  under  the  despotism  of  the  multitude, 
which  is  the  most  dreadful  of  all  —  and  you  will  have  a 
true  idea  of  the  state  of  France.  God  knows  how  the  coun- 
try will  come  out  of  it;  we  must  hope  that  the  misery  of 


90  DIARY  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF         [chap.  in. 

which  each  individual  will  soon  feel  the  weight  may  change 
opinions,  and  from  that  change  alone  can  we  look  for  a 
change  in  the  state  of  affairs. 

The  situation  of  the  king,  especially  that  of  the  queen,  is 
pitiful;  her  conduct  and  her  courage  have  brought  minds 
back  to  her.  The  army  is  lost ;  the  regiments  have  mutinied  ; 
they  no  longer  obey  their  leaders,  and  are  taking  part  in  the 
popular  cause. 

Note.  —  The  second  plan  referred  to  in  Count  Fersen's 
"  Memorial  to  the  King  and  Queen  of  France"  is  the  one  that  Louis 
XVI.  adopted.  It  is  nowhere  fully  explained  in  all  its  details ; 
but  in  general  it  was  as  follows :  To  escape  from  Paris  to  Mont- 
medy  and  there  raise  a  rallying  standard,  gathering  the  loyal  of 
the  army  and  the  emigres  about  him,  and  issuing  a  proclamation  to 
France,  dealing  more  especially  with  the  pressing  financial  situa- 
tion, the  question  of  bankruptcy,  and  the  redemption  of  the 
assignats.  This  was  the  plan  that  was  frustrated  at  Varennes. 
Louis  XVI.  was  not  attempting  to  escape  from  France  at  that 
time.  —  Tr. 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  91 


CHAPTER  IV. 

1791.  Preparations  for  the  Escape  of  the  King  and  Royal  Family.  —  The 
King  has  a  settled  Plan,  not  fully  revealed.  —  Safe  Departure  from 
Paris,  driven  by  Count  Fersen.  — The  Arrest  at  Varennes. 

Count  Fersen  to  Baron  Taube. 

Paris,  April  18,  1791. 

My  dear  Friend, — I  hope  you  have  received  all  mine;  I 
am  awaiting  your  answer  with  the  greatest  impatience.  I 
wish  my  letter  of  April  1  may  have  reached  you  soon.  They 
are  making  the  design  for  my  carriage,  and  I  hope  to  send  it 
to  you  very  soon. 

[In  cipher.]  An  answer  has  come  from  the  emperor,  still 
in  the  same  style ;  he  fears  England,  and  will  not  bind  him- 
self to  anything  until  the  King  of  France  is  at  liberty  and  in 
a  place  of  safety.  They  have  written  to  him  to  know 
whether,  in  that  case,  they  can  count  upon  him ;  his  answer 
is  now  expected. 

The  Marquis  de  Bouille'  has  proposed  to  the  King  of 
France  to  cede  some  possessions  in  India,  or  even  all  of 
them,  to  England,  reserving  the  right  of  commerce  there. 
The  king  is  repugnant  to  such  a  sacrifice,  and  is  now  await- 
ing the  advice  of  Baron  de  Breteuil  upon  it ;  but  all  this 
cannot  be  negotiated  until  he  is  safely  out  of  Paris.  The 
King  of  France  seems  to  wish  to  make  this  escape  the  latter 
part  of  May.     To  find  the  money  is  the  difficulty, 

The  chaplain  of  our  ambassador  [M.  de  Stael]  is  a  decided 
democrat.  For  a  long  time  he  would  not  pray  in  church  for 
the  King  of  France,  but  for  "  the  King  of  the  French  "  as  de- 
creed by  the  National  Assembly.     Many  persons,  shocked  by 

Ver.  8  7  Mem. 


92  DIARY  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF  [chap.  iv. 

the  change,  induced  the  ambassador  to  stop  it ;  but  the  chap- 
lain, to  avoid  saying  "  King  of  France "  now  says  "  Louis 
XVI.,"  to  the  great  scandal  of  part  of  the  congregation. 

Entreat  the  king  [of  Sweden]  to  be  cautious  if  he  comes 
to  Aix-la-Chapelle,  even  with  the  best-intentioned  persons, 
for  they  will  put  meanings  on  the  slightest  words  that  escape 
him,  and  their  indiscretions  might  be  as  hurtful  at  this 
moment  as  the  savage  espionage  which  will  certainly  seek 
to  discover  the  sentiments  of  the  king.  He  may  rest  assured 
that  these  madmen,  who  fear  him,  will  surround  him  with 
spies-;  his  reputation  makes  them  tremble,  for  he  is  much 
admired  here. 

From  several  conversations  I  have  had  with  the  Russian 
minister  I  think  I  see  that  the  empress  [Catherine  II.]  dares 
not  trust  too  much  to  the  king's  dispositions  relatively  to 
herself  and  England. 

The  King  and  Queen  of  France  will  not  perform  their 
Easter  duties,  for  they  have  heard  that  the  canaille  are 
to  be  excited  to  make  a  disturbance  because  they  have 
both  determined  not  to  employ  the  priests  who  have  taken 
the  oath;  they  have  changed  their  confessor  for  the  same 
reason. 

[In  plain  writing."]  Yesterday  there  was  a  sort  of  mutiny 
at  the  king's  service.  The  grenadiers  of  the  guard  refused 
to  go  into  the  king's  chapel  during  mass,  because  it  was  said 
by  a  priest  who  did  not  take  the  oath.  They  wanted  to  pre- 
vent any  one  from  entering,  and  the  priest  from  officiating. 
M.  de  Lafayette  appeared  for  the  first  time  to  prevent  an 
indecency;  he  spoke  to  them  and  succeeded  in  pacifying 
their  minds  by  saying  they  were  there  as  a  matter  of  military 
duty  and  not  for  worship.  Since  the  evening  before,  this 
guard  had  been  worked  upon ;  they  had  been  kept  drinking 
all  night  and  during  the  morning.  .  .  . 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  93 

The  king  and  his  family  leave  this  morning  for  Saint- 
Cloud  ;  they  will  return  on  Wednesday  or  Thursday  week. 

[Added  to  the  preceding  letter.~\  At  half-past  eleven  the 
king  went  to  mass,  —  M.  Bailly  [mayor]  having  previously 
come  to  warn  him  that  his  departure  for  Saint-Cloud  would 
occasion  a  disturbance,  and  that  the  people  seemed  inclined 
to  oppose  it.  The  king  replied  that  liberty  having  been 
decreed  to  every  man  to  go  and  come  as  he  pleased,  it  would 
be  very  extraordinary  if  he  were  the  only  man  who  could  not 
go  two  leagues  to  get  fresh  air ;  and  that  he  was  quite  deter- 
mined to  go. 

He  came  down  with  the  queen,  Madame  Elisabeth,  the 
children,  and  Mme.  de  Tourzel,  and  as  the  carriages  had  not 
been  able  to  enter  the  Cour  des  Princes,  he  turned  to  go  and 
meet  them  in  the  Carrousel.  On  being  told  that  the  crowd 
was  enormous,  he  stopped  in  the  middle  of  the  Cour  des 
Princes,  and  the  queen  proposed  to  him  to  get  into  a  carriage 
which  was  in  the  court,  although  it  was  only  a  herline.  They 
all  six  got  into  it,  but  when  the  carriage  reached  the  gate  the 
National  Guard  refused  to  open  it  and  let  the  king  pass.  In 
vain  M.  de  Lafayette  [their  commander]  talked  to  them, 
declaring  that  none  but  enemies  of  the  constitution  would 
behave  in  that  way ;  that  by  thwarting  the  king's  will  they 
gave  him  the  air  of  being  a  prisoner  and  defeated  the  decrees 
which  he  had  sanctioned.  They  answered  only  by  invectives 
and  assurances  that  they  would  not  let  the  king  pass  out. 

They  used  the  most  insulting  terms,  calling  the  king  a 

aristocrat,  a  fat  pig,  incapable  of  reigning ;  that  he  ought  to  be 
deposed  and  the  Due  d'OrMans  put  in  his  place ;  that  he  was 
only  a  public  functionary  to  whom  they  paid  25,000,000, 
which  was  a  great  deal  too  much,  and  he  would  have  to  do 
as  they  chose. 

The  same  talk  went  on  among  the  people.     M.  de  Lafay- 


94  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE   OF  [chap.  iv. 

ette  called  upon  the  mayor  to  proclaim  martial  law  and  dis- 
play the  red  flag ;  he  refused.  .  .  .  Detachments  of  grenadiers 
as  they  arrived  swore  that  the  king  should  not  leave  Paris  ; 
several  showed  balls,  saying  that  they  would  put  them  into 
their  muskets  and  fire  upon  the  king  if  he  made  the  slightest 
motion  to  go.  All  the  people  of  the  household  who  approached 
the  carriage  were  insulted.  .  .  .  M.  de  Gougenot,  the  steward, 
having  gone  to  the  queen's  side  to  take  her  orders  about 
the  dinner,  was  dragged  away  and  came  near  being  hanged. 
The  queen  leaned  forward  to  tell  them  to  let  him  be  be- 
cause he  was  in  the  king's  service ;  on  which  they  told  her 
they  had  no  orders  to  receive  from  her ;  others  said  :  "  There 's 

a  pretty  b who  thinks  she  can  give  us  orders !  "  .  .  .  M. 

de  Lafayette  asked  the  king  if  he  wished  him  to  force  a  pas- 
sage and  make  the  law  respected.  The  soldiers  cried  out 
that  he  had  no  power  to  do  it  for  they  had  all  taken  out  their 
bayonets  and  would  never  serve  against  brave  citizens.  The 
king  refused  to  employ  force,  and  said :  "  I  will  have  no 
blood  shed  for  me ;  when  I  am  gone  you  will  be  master  to 
employ  all  means  you  please  to  make  the  laws  respected." 

Some  of  the  grenadiers  who  were  near  the  carriage  wept ; 
a  few  advanced  and  said  to  the  king :  "  Sire,  you  are  loved, 
you  are  adored  by  your  people ;  but  do  not  go ;  your  life 
would  be  in  danger ;  you  are  ill-advised ;  you  are  misled ; 
the  people  want  you  to  send  away  the  priests;  they  are 
afraid  of  losing  you."  The  king  silenced  them,  saying  it  was 
they  who  were  misled,  and  that  no  one  ought  to  doubt  his 
intentions  or  his  love  for  his  people. 

At  last,  after  two  hours  and  a  quarter  of  vain  attempts, 
and  useless  efforts  on  the  part  of  M.  de  Lafayette,  the  king 
ordered  the  carriage  to  be  turned  round.  On  getting  out  of  it 
the  soldiers  pressed  in  crowds  around  them.  Some  said : "  We 
will  defend  you."    The  queen  answered,  looking  proudly  at 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  95 

them : "  Yes,  we  count  on  that ;  but  you  must  allow  that  at  pres- 
ent we  are  not  free."  As  they  pressed  closely  and  entered  the 
vestibule  in  crowds,  the  queen  took  the  dauphin  in  her  arms, 
Madame  Elisabeth  took  Madame  Koyale,  and  they  hurried 
them  in  as  best  they  could.  The  king  then  slackened  his  pace 
and  when  the  queen  and  Madame  Elisabeth  had  reached  the 
queen's  room  and  entered,  he  turned  round  and  said,  "  Halt, 
grenadiers ! "  They  all  stopped  as  if  their  legs  were  cut 
off.  .  .  . 

In  the  Cour  des  Princes  there  was  no  one  but  the  National 
Guard ;  the  people  were  in  the  Carrousel  and  the  gates  be- 
tween were  closed.  Nothing  was  said  there  against  the 
queen,  but  horrors  against  the  king.  They  both  spoke  with 
much  firmness  and  coolness ;  their  bearing  was  perfect.  All 
was  quiet  within  the  palace.  At  eight  o'clock  the  king  was 
notified  that  the  National  Guard  had  decided  to  enter  all  the 
rooms  that  night,  even  those  of  the  king,  under  pretext  of 
seeing  that  no  priests  were  there.  This  resolution  was,  how- 
ever, changed  at  ten  o'clock.  In  the  Carrousel  a  man  read 
aloud,  by  the  light  of  a  torch,  a  paper  full  of  horrors  about 
the  king,  exhorting  the  people  to  force  the  palace,  fling 
everything  out  of  the  windows,  and  above  all  not  to  miss  the 
opportunity  they  had  lost  at  Versailles  on  the  5th  of  October. 

Paris,  April  22, 1791. 
It  is  thought  to  be  the  faction  of  the  Due  d'Orleans  that 
caused  what  happened  on  the  18th,  for  the  leaders  of  the 
Jacobins  are,  with  good  reason,  much  disturbed  by  it.  This 
affair  gives  proof  of  the  imprisonment  of  the  King  of  France, 
and  consequently  nullifies  all  the  sanctions,  and  even  the 
Constitution.  After  this  event,  which  I  do  not  regard  as 
unfortunate  for  the  King  of  France,  his  conduct  ought  to 
change ;  he  ought  not  to  oppose  anything ;  on  the  contrary, 


96  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  iv. 

he  should  yield  in  every  way,  and  do  all  they  ask  of  him,  in 
order  to  show  that  he  is  not  free,  and  also  to  put  them  to 
sleep  about  his  real  projects,  to  which  he  ought  to  hold  more 
firmly,  and  to  the  execution  of  which  he  ought  to  sacrifice 
everything,  however  painful  it  may  be  to  do  so. 

Their  Majesties  are  running  great  dangers  at  this  mo- 
ment ;  the  things  that  are  said  about  them  are  dreadful ; 
they  are  no  longer  respected,  and  their  life  is  threatened 
openly  and  with  impunity.  But  to  make  sure  of  their  per- 
sonal safety  and  tranquillity  the  means  must  he  good.  .  .  . 

Last  night  M.  de  Lafayette  sent  in  his  resignation;  the 
majority  of  the  National  Guard  and  all  the  sections  of  Paris, 
except  three,  desire  him  to  remain,  and  have  asked  him  to 
do  so.  It  is  not  known  what  course  he  will  take.  I  think 
he  will  remain  if  he  can. 

[Louis  XVI.  having  determined  to  leave  Paris,  Count 
Fersen  took  charge  of  all  the  arrangements  and  carried  them 
out  successfully,  although  in  the  end  his  efforts  were  fatally 
defeated  at  Varennes.  The  following  letters  relate  to  the 
affair.] 

Count  Fersen  to  the  Marquis  de  Bouille. 

Paris,  April  28,  1791. 

The  king  [of  France]  will  be  ready  to  start  the  last  two 
weeks  in  May,  and  he  is  very  determined  not  to  put  it  off 
any  longer ;  but  he  must  have  until  the  fifteenth  to  receive 
the  answer  from  Spain.  He  feels  how  urgent  the  circum- 
stances are,  and  all  that  happened  on  Monday  of  last  week 
makes  him  more  resolved  than  ever.  He  recommends  you  to 
make  on  your  side  no  more  open  preparations  than  are  abso- 
lutely necessary.  He  fears,  and  with  reason,  that  by  drawing 
attention  in  your  direction  it  may  increase  the  watchfulness 
here  and  that  his  departure  will  be  more  difficult,  and  sue- 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  97 

cess  less  certain.  They  are  negotiating  for  the  money,  but 
nothing  is  yet  settled  as  to  that.  M.  de  Mercy  intimates  in 
all  his  letters  that  as  soon  as  the  king  is  safely  out  of 
Paris  the  Powers  will  declare  themselves  and  favourably 
for  him. 

From  the  Baron  de  Breteuil  to  Count  Fersen. 

April  30, 1791.1 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  22d  of  this  month.  I 
needed  the  approaching  execution  of  the  plan  to  calm  my 
distress  about  that  cruel  day  of  the  18th. 

I  will  be  as  quickly  as  I  can  at  the  place  indicated ;  but  I 
warn  you  that  the  order  to  leave  here  should  not  be  sent  to 
me  at  the  time  the  king  leaves  Paris,  and  not  until  he  has 
joined  M.  de  Bouille ;  because,  having,  before  I  leave,  to  take 
certain  steps  towards  the  Cantons,  in  order  to  put  them  in 
motion,  it  would  be  equally  imprudent,  dangerous,  and  useless 
to  let  those  steps  become  public  before  His  Majesty's  pro- 
ject is  entirely  carried  out.  1  hope  that  this  reflection  will 
seem  as  right  as  it  is  necessary. 

As  it  is  impossible,  no  matter  what  diligence  I  may  make, 
that  the  king  will  not  be  some  days  before  me  at  the  place 
where  he  is  to  go,  I  request  that  (excepting  military  opera- 
tions, as  to  which  it  is  important  not  to  embarrass  or  delay 
the  views  of  the  general  [de  Bouill^]),  His  Majesty  will  be 
so  good  as  to  take  no  resolutions  as  to  persons  or  things 
before  I  have  received  his  orders.     Nothing  is  more  essential 

1  In  the  French,  no  date  of  place  is  given  to  the  letters  of  the  three 
men  who,  with  Fersen,  made  arrangements  for  the  king's  escape.  From 
the  context  it  appears  that  the  Marquis  de  Bouille  was  in  a  position  of 
command  at  Metz ;  M.  de  Mercy  was  Austrian  minister  at  Brussels ;  and 
the  Baron  de  Breteuil  was  in  Switzerland.  Baron  Taube  was  in  Stockholm ; 
he  was  first  gentleman  of  the  Bedchamber  to  the  King  of  Sweden,  and 
had  his  entire  confidence.  —  Tb. 


98  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  iv. 

for  the  service  of  the  king  than  to  avoid  all  precipitate  steps, 
which  one  might  be  compelled  to  retrace.  I  venture  to  add 
that  it  is  not  less  essential  that  His  Majesty  should  make 
known,  even  in  the  slightest  details,  the  extent  of  the  con- 
fidence with  which  he  honours  me  for  the  conduct  of  affairs. 
The  king  may  regard  this  request  of  my  purest  zeal  in  the 
light  of  ambition ;  I  should  be  from  that  moment  incapable 
of  becoming  of  any  utility  in  the  difficult  position  in  which 
the  kingdom  is  now  placed.  You  will  judge  of  this  truth  as 
I  do. 

Count  Fersen  to  Baron  Taube. 

May  2,  1791. 

My  dear  Friend,  —  I  received  three  days  ago  your  letter 
of  April  8.  As  for  the  Prince  de  Cond£,  I  have  already  given 
to  the  king  [of  Sweden]  very  precise  information  in  my 
letter  of  April  1,  sent  by  a  Russian  courier,  also  in  one  of 
the  11th  of  that  month.  In  those  two  letters  you  will  see 
[the  rest  in  cipher']  that  the  Prince  de  Conde"  is  intrusted 
with  nothing  and  is  ignorant  of  all  the  projects  of  the  King 
of  France.  His  ambitious  nature,  his  indiscretion  towards 
the  men  of  his  own  party,  would  compromise  the  secrecy  so 
essential  to  this  great  object.  The  conduct  of  the  princes, 
who  have  always  chosen  to  act  without  consulting  the  king, 
and  even  in  spite  of  him,  without  considering  the  dangers 
to  which  they  expose  him,  but  above  all,  the  dependence  in 
which  the  king  would  be  if  he  charged  them  with  so  great 
an  undertaking,  —  all  these  things  have  led  His  Majesty  to 
confide  nothing  to  them  and  not  to  make  use  of  any  of  their 
resources  until  he  is  at  liberty. 

Nevertheless,  the  Prince  de  Cond^  continues  to  work,  but 
it  is  on  his  own  account;  and  in  spite  of  the  weakness  or 
nullity  of  his  means  and  the  impossibility  of  success,  he 
seems  decided  to  attempt  something.     The  king  takes  all 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  99 

possible  means  to  delay  this  enterprise  until  he  is  at  liberty, 
without,  however,  confiding  anything  to  him,  for  if  he  did  the 
secret  would  be  betrayed  and  all  would  fail.  The  king  may 
be  forced  by  the  Assembly  to  issue  a  proclamation  against 
the  Prince  de  Conde ;  this  will  be  another  proof  of  his  want 
of  freedom,  and  His  Majesty  may  give  it,  as  he  has  decided 
to  yield  everything  in  order  to  lull  to  sleep  the  factions  as 
to  his  real  project,  and  inspire  them  with  the  confidence  so 
necessary  to  enable  him  to  leave  Paris.  He  still  seems  de- 
termined to  attempt  it  during  the  last  fifteen  days  of  this 
month.  There  is  much  ferment  in  Paris,  but  it  is  chiefly 
against  M.  de  Lafayette,  who  has  resumed  command  of  the 
National  Guard,  which  is  very  lucky ;  otherwise  we  might 
have  had  some  one  more  capable  and  worse. 

The  Danish  minister  tells  me  there  is  much  political  ex- 
citement in  Sweden,  which  is  waiting  for  the  departure  of 
the  king  [Gustavus  III.]  to  break  out.  .  .  .  When  H.  M.  ar- 
rives at  the  place  where  he  intends  to  stop,  I  shall  at  once  go  to 
him ;  but  if  he  gets  there  before  the  King  of  France  leaves 
Paris,  it  will  be  impossible,  for  it  is  quite  impossible  that  the 
escape  can  be  made  without  me ;  I  am  the  sole  person  here 
in  his  confidence,  and  he  has  no  one  on  whose  discretion  he 
can  rely  to  take  my  place. 

Count  Fersen  to  the  Marquis  de  Bouille. 

Paris,  May  3,  1791. 

M.  de  Giliers  has  just  proposed  a  strong  plan ;  namely,  to 
carry  off  the  king  by  force  of  arms  either  from  here  or  from 
Fontainebleau.  He  says  that  M.  Heimann,  who  is  here,  is  in 
concert  with  him,  and  that  the  general,  who  is  very  well 
disposed,  will  pledge  himself.  They  would  send  six  hun- 
dred thousand  francs  to  win  over  the  troops  and  induce  them, 
as  well  as  the  departments,  to  demand  the  king's  liberty  and 


100  DIARY  AND   CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  iv. 

to  march  at  once  to  obtain  it.  He  says  there  are  sixty 
squadrons  and  eight  thousand  men  sure.  M.  de  Klingin 
will  also  be  with  them,  and  M.  de  Giliers  wishes  to  go  and 
speak  with  you.  He  says  that  the  Jacobius  have  given 
Heimann  three  millions  with  which  to  go  to  Prussia  and 
bribe  the  favourites,  and  that  Heimann  wants  to  take  that 
moDey  and  use  it  for  the  king.  As  he  has  always  been 
the  creature  of  the  Due  d'Orl^ans  it  is  feared  that  the 
whole  thing  is  a  trap  into  which  M.  de  Giliers  has  fallen. 
Here  is  the  answer  signed  by  the  king  and  queen.  They 
have  also  sent  word  verbally  that  if  M.  Heimann  wishes  to 
give  a  proof  of  attachment  he  will  transfer  the  three  millions 
to  the  king. 

Copy  of  letter  from  the  King  and  Queen  of  France  annexed 
to  the  foregoing. 

The  king,  being  decided  at  the  present  time  to  follow  the 
impulsions  of  the  Assembly  and  to  work  in  concert  with 
that  body,  for  the  restoration  of  order  and  tranquillity,  can- 
not and  will  not  admit  of  any  measure  which  is  contrary  to 
its  projects ;  that  which  is  now  proposed  to  him,  while  giving 
him  fresh  proof  of  M.  de  Giliers'  attachment,  nevertheless 
seems  to  him  more  than  doubtful  as  to  success,  and  might 
only  expose  uselessly  the  good  and  faithful  servants  who 
undertook  it.  From  the  prudence  and  disposition  that  M. 
de  Bouill^  has  manifested  down  to  the  present  time,  the 
king  has  reason  to  think  that  he  would  not  enter  into  any 
project  of  that  nature. 

Baron  Taube  to  Count  Fersen. 

Stockholm,  May  6,  1791. 

My  dear  Friend,  —  The  king  orders  me  to  tell  you  that 
he  charges  you  to  say  to  the  King  and  Queen  of  France 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  101 

that  he  will  employ  all  possible  means  to  try  to  succour 
them.  His  opinion  is,  if  Their  Majesties  can  escape  from 
Paris,  that  they  should  at  once  convoke  all  the  parliaments 
of  France  and  have  the  National  Assembly  declared  illegal, 
the  usurper  of  the  rights  of  the  throne  and  royalty,  the 
individual  members  declared  rebels  and  traitors  and  the 
whole  country  ordered  to  attack  them ;  all  the  great  officers, 
and  the  chiefs  of  the  army  who  were  obliged  to  escape  from 
the  country,  also  all  the  priests,  should  be  recalled ;  every- 
thing should  be  re-established  as  it  was  before  the  revolution ; 
the  clergy  should  be  replaced  in  their  old  regime  and  wor- 
ship ;  the  three  orders  of  the  State,  which  have  been  abol- 
ished by  usurpation  of  the  Assembly,  should  be  re-established, 
but  declared  at  the  same  time  to  be  without  difference  as  to 
the  payment  of  taxes;  the  Due  d'Orl^ans  should  be  ar- 
rested, and  tried  and  condemned  by  one  of  the  parliaments, 
and  no  mercy  shown  to  him ;  above  all,  the  army  should  be 
brought  back  to  discipline  and  the  most  absolute  sub- 
ordination ;  and  rigorous  examples  should  not  be  spared  to 
compel  this  ;  and,  finally,  no  compromises  should  be  made 
with  no  matter  who ;  no  mixed  government  permitted ;  royalty 
should  be  replaced  in  its  omnipotence;  the  king  ought  to 
leave  Paris  forever,  and  cause  that  haunt  of  assassins  to 
perish  through  the  total  oblivion  of  its  existence  ;  for  as  long 
as  there  is  a  Paris  in  France  there  will  never  be  kings ;  his- 
tory proves  this. 

The  king  also  thinks  that  it  is  very  prudent  not  to  confide 
any  secret  negotiations  to  the  Prince  de  Conde*;  but  he 
also  thinks  it  would  not  be  prudent  to  show  him  dis- 
trust, and  that  it  would  be  best  to  make  use  of  his  military 
talents  without  admitting  him  into  the  administration. 

The  king  is  convinced  that  none  of  the  sovereigns  will  act 
with  hostility  against  the  King  of  France  as  soon  as  he  is 


102  DIARY  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF         [chap.  iv. 

out  of  his  prison,  —  not  even  England,  which  at  the  present 
time  sustains  the  animosity  and  anarchy  by  money  and 
underhand  proceedings. 

I  have  not  tried  to  prevent  the  king's  journey,  for  it  would 
be  in  vain ;  besides,  his  health  needs  to  be  restored  after  the 
extreme  fatigue  of  body  and  mind  which  he  has  borne  during 
the  last  three  years  of  war.  I  took  another  way  to  increase 
his  hatred  to  the  National  Assembly,  which  he  already  de- 
tests from  the  bottom  of  his  heart.  I  told  him  that  you  had 
begged  me  to  warn  him  that  he  would  be  surrounded  by 
spies  of  the  Assembly,  who  would  explain  to  suit  themselves 
every  word  he  said;  that  he  ought  to  distrust  even  those 
whom  he  thinks  well-intentioned,  but  who,  by  their  indis- 
cretions do  almost  as  much  harm  as  the  madmen  who  sur- 
round the  King  of  France.  He  charged  me  to  thank  you  for 
that  advice,  which  he  would  confide  to  no  one,  and  to  say 
that  his  talk  in  future  would  be  more  republican  than 
monarchical ;  and  he  requests  you  to  warn  Their  Majesties 
of  this. 

The  king  disapproves  of  the  emperor's  conduct. 

Count  Fersen  to  the  Marquis  de  BouilU. 

Paris,  May  6,  1791. 

Here  is  a  copy  of  the  letter  of  M.  de  Mercy.  It  is  possible 
to  place  troops  along  the  frontier  of  Luxembourg,  but  any 
movement  beyond  the  frontier  would  be  impossible  at  the 
present  moment.  The  most  essential  thing  is  the  safety  of 
the  flight.  The  escort  should  be  scattered  along  the  route ; 
one  shudders  in  thinking  of  the  horrors  that  might  happen 
if  they  were  betrayed  and  arrested. 

The  route  agreed  upon  is  by  Meaux,  Chalons,  Reims,  Ile- 
R^thel,  Pauvre.  Write  me  if  you  wish  it  changed,  and 
what  the  precautions  are  that  you  mean  to  take.     There  are 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  103 

none  of  the  body-guard  at  Chalons  ;  the  town  requested  that 
it  might  have  no  more  of  them. 

Count  Fersen  to  Baron  Taube. 

Paris,  May  9, 1791. 

My  dear  Friend  —  I  received  two  days  ago  yours  of  the 
19th.  The  cipher  of  yours  of  the  8th  was  so  incorrect,  and  you 
had  forgotten  so  many  things  in  it  that  I  had  the  greatest 
difficulty  in  the  world  to  make  out  its  meaning.  Towards 
the  end  the  cipher  was  plainer ;  I  managed  to  guess  that  the 
king  [of  Sweden]  had  ordered  M.  de  Stae'l  to  say  to  Mont- 
morin  that  H.  M.  would  not  receive  the  new  envoy,  but 
preferred  to  keep  the  present  secretary  of  the  embassy.  The 
squabbles  which  increase  daily  between  our  neighbour  [the 
Empress  of  Eussia]  and  the  other  Powers  are  very  injurious 
to  [changes  to  cipher]  the  projects  of  the  King  of  France ;  but 
his  position  is  such  (and  it  is  becoming  day  by  day  more 
dreadful)  that  it  is  impossible  he  can  bear  it  much  longer ; 
he  has  therefore  decided  to  risk  all  for  all  rather  than  live 
in  the  daily  humiliation  into  which  a  mass  of  factious  men 
have  cast  him.  It  is  towards  the  end  of  this  month  that 
he  means  to  act. 

[In  plain  writing.']  Nothing  is  changed  here.  The  Jaco- 
bins still  have  the  upper  hand.  M.  de  Clermont-Tonnerre 
just  missed  being  hanged  the  other  day,  on  leaving  the  As- 
sembly, for  having  spoken  against  the  union  of  the  comitat  of 
Avignon  with  France,  and  without  the  assistance  of  the 
National  Guard  he  indubitably  would  have  been. 

The  domestic  household  of  the  king  is  about  to  be  sent 
away  in  a  body,  and  a  new  one  is  to  be  formed ;  it  is  not 
known  yet  how  it  will  be  composed,  but  they  think  that  all 
the  old  appointments  will  be  changed  and  the  places  filled 
indiscriminately  by  nobles  and  roturiers.     Since  April  18 


104  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE   OF         [chap.  iv. 

the  emigration  is  enormous ;  every  one  is  departing  for  foreign 
countries ;  Paris  is  almost  deserted.  The  matter  of  religion 
is  one  which  drives  a  great  many  persons  to  other  countries 
where  they  can  practise  it  freely.  Besides,  as  everything 
goes  for  fashion  in  this  country,  it  is  good  style  to  go  away. 
People  are  awaiting  with  much  impatience  to  know  what 
course  the  pope  will  take  relatively  to  his  nuncio.  Since 
the  letter  of  M.  de  Montmorin  and  the  insults  offered  to  the 
effigy  of  His  Holiness,  which  was  publicly  burned  together 
with  his  brief  at  the  Palais-Royal,  it  is  said  that  they  mean 
to  do  the  same  with  all  the  sovereigns,  beginning  with  the 
emperor  and  the  King  of  Spain.  Our  master  will  surely  not 
be  forgotten,  especially  as  they  are  now  saying,  and  the 
rumour  is  spreading  among  the  people,  that  he  is  coming  to 
Aix-la-Chapelle  to  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  counter- 
revolution ;  even  sensible  people  believe  this ! 

The  Marquis  de  Bouille  to  Count  Fersen,  in  cipher. 

May  9,  1791. 

Send  me  M.  Goguelat ;  he  must  be  with  you  now.  He 
will  be  very  useful  to  me  in  making  the  necessary  reconnoit- 
ring of  the  route  in  the  Reims  division,  hereafter  named ;  he 
could  bring  the  money  I  asked  of  you,  which  is  needed. 
From  M.  de  Mercy's  letter  it  is  to  be  feared  that  the  Aus- 
trians  will  not  join  the  king ;  but  we  must  absolutely  obtain 
that  the  king  may  have  seven  or  eight  thousand  men  in  his 
pay,  even  if  they  are  not  auxiliaries.  This  reinforcement  is 
necessary  to  restrain  the  troops  we  assemble,  for  though  they 
are  nearly  all  German,  they  are  liable  to  be  bribed ;  whereas 
with  this  reinforcement  they  will  think  all  is  possible,  and 
their  fidelity  will  be  secured.  Concern  yourself  above  all  in 
obtaining  the  money. 

All  reflection  given,  the  shortest,  safest,  and  simplest  route 


1791|  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  105 

is  by  Meaux,  Montmirail  (whence  they  must  not  forget  to 
take  the  road  by  Fert^-sous-Jouarre),  Chalons,  Sainte-Mene- 
hould,  Varennes,  Dun,  and  Stenay.  From  Sainte-Menehould 
to  Stenay  there  will  be  good  detachments  placed  for  escort ; 
the  distance  is  twelve  leagues.  Could  we  not  admit  M. 
d'Agoult  into  the  secret  a  few  days  before  the  start,  and  get 
him  to  go  to  Chalons,  with  some  thirty  of  the  most  resolute 
of  the  body-guard  on  pretext  of  looking  after  the  horses 
which  are  there,  and  removing  them  as  the  town  requests  ? 
Those  thirty  guards  could  be  on  horseback  at  the  gate  of  the 
town  at  a  fixed  hour  and  escort  as  far  as  Sainte-Menehould. 
Tell  M.  Goguelat  to  take  that  route  in  coming  here,  and  to 
make  a  report  to  the  general. 

Write  me  what  they  think.  You  see  how  essential  it  is 
to  be  notified  in  time  of  the  day  fixed ;  and  that  it  be  irrevo- 
cable. It  must  not  be  later  than  June  1.  Here  is  the  route 
in  detail:  Paris  to  Meaux,  25  miles;  Meaux  to  Fert4-la- 
Jouarre,  12  miles;  Ferte"  to  Montmirail,  21  miles;  Montmi- 
rail, to  Chalons-sur-Marne,  35  miles;  Chalons  to  Sainte- 
Menehould,  25  miles;  Sainte-Menehould  to  Varennes,  12 
miles;  Varennes  to  Dun,  12;  Dun  to  Stenay,  7;  Stenay  to 
M  .  .  .  ,  5  miles.  You  can  see  this  route  on  the  map  of  the 
departments.  It  makes  in  all  about  one  hundred  and  fifty- 
three  miles.  By  leaving  at  night  and  travelling  through  the 
next  night  they  would  arrive  on  the  second  day. 

Count  Fersen  to  the  Baron  de  Bretuil. 

Paris,  May  16,  1791. 

I  have  received  your  two  despatches  of  April  30  and  May 
3.  The  king  approves  of  all  you  say  touching  your  de- 
parture. His  Majesty  feels  as  you  do  the  necessity  of  your 
making  some  overtures  to  the  cantons;  but  he  thinks  you 
ought  first  to  prepare  the  way  with  the  advoyers  [supreme 


106  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  iv. 

judges  in  certain  cantons  of  Switzerland]  in  those  cantons  of 
which  you  are  sure,  in  order  that  you  may  get  to  him  as 
soon  as  possible;  you  might  also  charge  the  Bishop  of 
Pamiers  (or  any  other  you  may  indicate)  to  continue  the 
negotiation,  which  is  for  a  loan  of  several  millions  and 
twenty  or  thirty  thousand  men  to  be  employed  at  will.  The 
cantons  would  have  to  pay  them,  at  least  during  the  first  three 
months. 

As  it  is  important  to  take  no  hasty  resolution  from  which 
we  might  have  to  retreat,  and  as  circumstances  may  arise  in 
which  decision  must  be  made  before  your  arrival,  the  king 
wishes  you  to  put  in  writing  your  general  ideas  and  views, 
which  might  guide  him  in  taking  a  steady  and  uniform 
course.  This  paper  should  be  sent  by  a  safe  man  to  Luxem- 
bourg early  enough  to  reach  the  king  on  his  arrival  at  Mont- 
rn^dy.  This  man  is  not  to  be  in  the  secret,  and  must  be 
told  to  remain  in  Luxembourg  till  further  orders.  You  must 
send  me  his  name. 

We  have  four  millions  for  the  first  wants.  It  would  be, 
I  think,  good  policy  to  take  a  decided  course  at  once  about  the 
bankruptcy,  whether  to  be  made,  or  not  made,  and  about  the 
assignats.  The  property  of  the  clergy,  when  returned  to  them, 
could  pay  off  the  latter.  This  would  make  fewer  enemies, 
and  would  interest  all  who  hold  them  and  also  all  bankers 
in  the  success  of  the  king's  enterprise.  What  do  you  think 
of  this  ? 

The  king  is  very  uneasy  about  the  junction  of  the  Comte 
d'Artois  with  the  Prince  de  Conde\  He  charges  you  to 
write  to  him  and  try  to  prevent  it ;  without,  however,  telling 
him  anything  in  detail  of  the  king's  projects,  but  reminding 
him  that  H.  M.  has  always  promised  to  do  nothing  without 
him,  but  that  the  moment  and  the  means  can  be  decided  by 
no  one  but  the  king. 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  EERSEN.  107 

You  will  add  from  him  that  H.  M.  desires  that  the  Comte 
d'Artois  shall  not  join  the  Prince  de  Conde\  of  whose  pro- 
ceedings he  disapproves,  inasmuch  as  they  only  render  the 
king's  projects  more  difficult  of  execution ;  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, he  wishes  him  to  keep  near  to  the  King  of  Sardinia, 
in  order  to  maintain  that  prince  in  the  good  inclinations  he  has 
always  shown,  and  to  guide  the  Southern  provinces,  so  that  all 
may  work  together,  in  concert  with  the  king,  for  the  ap- 
proaching execution  of  the  ideas  he  has  adopted.  You  will 
make  the  Comte  d'Artois  feel  the  necessity  of  the  greatest 
secrecy,  as  much  towards  Worms  as  towards  the  provinces 
and  his  whole  party.  All  would  be  lost  if  the  slightest  pro- 
ject were  suspected.  And  you  will  add  that  the  king,  having 
no  means  of  corresponding  directly  with  him,  makes  his 
communications  pass  through  you.  You  will  send  him 
your  courier  wherever  you  may  be,  whether  en  route  or  at 
Worms. 

The  Marquis  de  Bouille  to  Count  Fersen,  in  cipher. 

No  date. 
The  movement  of  Austrian  troops  on  the  frontier  is  neces- 
sary. It  is  absolutely  necessary  that  a  body  of  troops  shall 
be  at  Luxembourg,  and  that  squadrons  be  stationed  at  Arlon 
and  Verton,  and  that  other  points  be  guarded ;  without  that,  I 
may  not  be  able  to  leave  Metz  and  take  out  the  four  German 
and  Swiss  regiments  which  at  the  present  moment  compose 
the  whole  garrison;  and  I  could  not  bring  to  the  frontier 
the  cavalry  who  are  now  scattered  over  the  flat  country. 
Thus,  if  it  is  desired  that  the  king  should  maintain  himself 
with  his  own  troops  in  his  kingdom,  he  absolutely  must 
wait  until  the  Austrians  arrive  and  I  can  make  the  move- 
ment on  the  frontier  with   that  pretext.     But   if,   on  the 

contrary,  the  king  merely  wishes  to  leave  the  kingdom  I  can 
Ver.  8  8  Mem. 


108  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  iv. 

escort  him  at  once  wherever  he  pleases.  But  I  believe,  if 
there  are  no  imperative  reasons  at  this  moment,  such  as  the 
safety  of  the  king,  that  it  would  be  better  to  do  as  I  propose 
and  wait  till  the  15th  or  20  th,  at  which  date  the  Austrians 
will  surely  have  arrived  at  the  line  indicated.  If  the  em- 
peror sincerely  desires  to  help  the  king,  he  will  lend  himself 
to  this  step  and  hasten  the  march  of  the  troops  to  Luxem- 
bourg, inasmuch  as  the  success  of  the  plan  depends  upon  it 
so  entirely,  and  the  delay  increases  the  difficulties  and  the 
risks  daily. 

The  route  is  fully  agreed  upon,  except  that  they  will  have 
to  go  as  far  as  Clermont.  We  are  now  reconnoitring  the 
road  from  Clermont  to  Dun ;  they  can  take  the  cross-road 
easily;  horses  are  all  ready  for  that  purpose,  so  that  there 
may  be  no  delay  at  the  post-house.  We  shall  manage  to 
send  a  detachment  of  hussars  who  will  meet  the  king  at 
Chalons  and  escort  him  to  Sainte-Menehould  or  Clermont, 
where  there  will  be  other  detachments.  You  must  see  to 
the  safety  of  the  route  as  far  as  Chalons. 

Count  Fersen  to  the  Marquis  de  BouilU,  in  cipher. 

May  26,  1791. 

I  have  written  to  Goguelat  to  go  to  you,  and  do  all  that 
you  order.  He  is  a  safe  man ;  he  needs  only  to  be  moder- 
ated. The  king  approves  the  route ;  it  will  be  fixed  such  as 
you  have  sent  it.  They  are  now  occupied  about  the  body- 
guard. I  shall  send  you  by  diligence  to-morrow  or  Tuesday, 
in  a  roll  of  white  taffeta  addressed  to  M.  de  Contades,  one 
million  in  assignats  ;  we  have  four  millions,  of  which  one  is 
out  of  the  country.  We  have  received  a  very  good  letter 
from  the  emperor,  and  they  have  written  to  him  to  reinforce 
the  line  towards  Luxembourg  with  eight  or  ten  thousand 
men,  disposable  at  will. 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  109 

The  king  intends  to  start  during  the  first  eight  days  of 
June,  for  at  that  time  he  receives  two  millions  from  the  civil 
list.  If  you  want  more  money  they  will  send  it.  Between 
the  lines  of  this  writing  are  written  in  white  ink  the  num- 
bers of  the  notes  that  I  send  you.  Make  the  white  ink  show 
out  before  you  decipher  the  last  two  lines  of  this  letter ; J  the 
word  for  the  two  is  battre.  There  are  no  precautions  to 
take  between  here  and  Chalons  ;  the  best  precaution  of  all 
is  to  take  none.  All  will  depend  on  celerity  and  secrecy, 
and  if  you  are  not  perfectly  sure  of  your  detachments  it 
would  be  better  to  place  none ;  or  at  least,  place  none  this 
side  of  Varennes,  so  as  not  to  excite  attention  in  the  coun- 
try.    The  king  will  then  pass  simply. 

Count  Fersen  to  the  Marquis  de  Bouille,  in  cipher. 

May  29, 1791. 

The  departure  is  fixed  for  the  12th  of  next  month.  All 
was  ready,  and  they  could  have  gone  on  the  6th  or  7th,  but 
they  do  not  receive  the  two  millions  till  the  7th  or  8  th ;  be- 
sides which,  the  dauphin  has  a  maid  who  is  very  democratic, 
and  she  does  not  leave  till  the  11th.  They  will  take  the 
last  route  agreed  upon.  I  shall  not  accompany  the  king ;  he 
does  not  wish  it.  I  shall  go  through  Quesnoy  and  come 
out  by  Bavay  to  Mons.  I  will  notify  M.  de  Vauban, 
who  is  at  Quesnoy,  and  I  shall  write  you  more  positively 
on  Wednesday.  Let  me  know  at  once  of  the  arrival  of 
my  letters ;  this  is  very  important  now,  and  I  will  do  the 
same  by  you. 

1  Throughout  the  correspondence  from  this  point,  especially  in  the  let- 
ters of  Queen  Marie-Antoinette,  "  white  ink "  is  used  and  mentioned ;  it 
was  made  visible  by  heating  the  paper  or  by  washing  it  with  some  chemical 
preparation.  In  many  places  gaps  in  the  letters  occur,  where  the  words 
were  illegible  at  the  time,  or  later  when  Count  Fersen  himself  copied 
them.  —  Tb. 


110  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE   OF         [chap.  iv. 

Count  Fersen  to  Baron  Taube,  in  cipher. 

May  31, 1791. 

My  dear  Friend;  —  The  king  and  queen  charge  me  to  tell 
the  king  [of  Sweden]  that  they  cannot  sufficiently  express 
their  feelings  for  the  marks  of  interest  and  friendship  which 
he  never  ceases  to  give  them;  they  will  always  feel  it  a 
pleasure  and  a  duty  to  be  grateful  for  them.  Their  depart- 
ure was  fixed  for  June  12th,  but  M.  de  Bouill^  wanted  it 
delayed  till  the  15th  or  20th,  to  give  the  Austrians  time 
to  reinforce  the  cordon  of  troops  about  Luxembourg  and 
thus  give  him  a  pretext  for  assembling  those  of  the 
king. 

The  Comte  d'Artois  and  the  Prince  de  Conde"  seem  deter- 
mined to  act  in  spite  of  the  weakness,  or  nothingness,  of 
their  means.  Such  a  course  will  be  of  the  greatest  danger, 
and  as  the  Comte  d'Artois  will  doubtless  see  the  king  [of 
Sweden,  then  at  Aix-la-Chapelle],  Their  Majesties  desire 
that  His  Majesty  should  dissuade  him,  by  proving  to  him 
that  he  neither  can  nor  should  act  against  the  will  of  the 
king ;  that  he  can  only  expose  Their  Majesties  and  himself 
uselessly.  The  king  [of  Sweden]  may  add  that  he  has  rea- 
son to  think  the  king  desires  to  act,  but  it  is  necessary,  for 
the  success  of  his  projects,  to  leave  the  sole  direction  of  them 
to  him,and  to  second  him  in  the  manner  that  he  desires,  —  he 
being  more  in  the  way  of  judging  of  means  and  the  proper 
moment  of  execution  than  others. 

But  H.  M.  must  not  tell  Comte  d'Artois  the  king's  plan,  be- 
cause the  Prince  de  Conde\  who  rules  him,  might  induce  him 
to  anticipate  the  king's  action  so  as  to  gain  the  whole  credit  of 
it  for  himself.  Persuade  the  king  not  to  give  ear  to  all  the 
exaggerations  of  the  aristocrats  at  Aix-la-Chapelle ,  above  all, 
not  to  let  them  know  anything  of  the  king's  projects,  for  all 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  Ill 

would  be  ruined.    I  will  write  you  again  two  days  before 
I  start. 

I  send  this  to  Aix-la-Chapelle,  believing  you  to  be  there 
already.  Take  care  of  yourself  for  the  sake  of  all  French- 
men.    Count  Esterhazy  knows  nothing. 

Count  Fersen  to  Baron  Taube,  in  cipher. 

Paris,  June  2, 1791. 

The  king  has  just  received  news  from  the  Comte  d'Artois, 
who  tells  him  of  the  result  of  his  interview  with  the  emperor 
at  Mantua.  The  disposition  the  emperor  showed  in  that 
interview  does  not  accord  in  any  way  with  what  he  has 
previously  written.  He  manifested  the  most  decided  will  to 
serve  the  king  with  all  his  forces;  he  said  he  was  fully 
assured  of  Spain  and  Prussia,  and  thinks  that  there  is  noth- 
ing to  fear  from  England ;  but  as  to  that  he  agreed  that  more 
assurances  were  needed.  As  for  the  King  of  Sardinia,  the 
Swiss,  and  the  German  princes,  there  was  no  doubt  whatever 
as  to  their  intentions,  and  he  hoped  that  peace  with  the  Turks 
would  soon  be  made,  which  would  enable  him  to  employ  all 
his  forces  in  this  direction;  he  also  said  that  the  Powers 
nearest  to  France  would  furnish  troops  amounting  in  all  to 
100,000  to  150,000  men. 

In  consequence  of  this,  Comte  d'Artois  urges  the  king  to 
wait  in  Paris  until,  towards  July  15,  all  these  troops  can  be 
set  in  motion  and  enter  France  at  the  same  moment,  and 
then,  by  a  manifesto  which  would  make  the  city  of  Paris 
responsible  for  all  events,  the  life  of  Their  Majesties  would 
be  safe,  and  they  could  then  deliver  them. 

The  Comte  d'Artois  assures  the  king  that  the  Prince  de 
Conde"  knows  nothing  of  this  plan;  he  asks  to  be  alone 
charged  with  the  execution  of  it ;  and  that  the  king  will  dis- 
avow the  Baron  de  Breteuil  and  all  that  he  has  dona     It  is 


112  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  it. 

M.  de  Calonne  who  is  leading  the  Comte  d'Artois  at  the 
present  moment.  The  king,  feeling  that  the  passive  role 
they  want  to  make  him  play  in  this  affair  is  contrary  to  his 
inclination,  and  would  put  him  later  into  too  much  depen- 
dence on  those  who  would  have  the  credit  of  having  done  all, 
and  being  decided  not  to  abandon  the  men  who  serve  him, 
has  resolved  to  follow  his  first  project,  and  to  profit,  as  soon 
as  he  gains  his  liberty,  by  the  good  intentions  of  the  Powers, 
whose  aid  he  will  himself  invoke.  Moreover,  as  this  news 
is  brought  only  verbally  by  a  man  sent  by  Comte  d'Artois, 
and  the  king  has  several  times  received  missions  which  have 
been  contradicted  by  subsequent  letters,  he  has  just  sent  a 
courier  to  the  emperor  to  make  sure  that  this  news  is  true, 
asking  him  as  a  first  proof  of  his  good-will  to  give  him  8000 
or  10,000  troops  from  the  Low  Countries  on  the  frontier,  and 
to  wait  till  the  king  is  out  of  Paris  to  make  the  rest  of 
his  good  intentions  effective. 

The  king  is  still  fixed  to  his  plan  and  expects  to  start  from 
here  on  the  15th,  16th,  or  17th.  If  Comte  dArtois  speaks 
to  the  king  [of  Sweden]  of  his  plan,  Their  Majesties  desire 
he  should  answer  that  he  cannot  enter  upon  any  negotiation 
of  that  nature  except  at  the  request  of  the  King  of  France 
himself.  All  this  has  been  arranged  by  M.  de  Calonne  that 
he  may  have  the  merit  of  it,  enter  the  ministry,  and  exclude 
the  Baron  de  Breteuil.  The  King  of  France  is  extremely  sur- 
prised at  the  certainty  the  emperor  appears  to  have  as  to  the 
good  intentions  of  Prussia  and  England,  which  does  not  agree 
at  all  with  what  M.  de  Mercy  and  even  Prince  Kaunitz  have 
always  written  to  Baron  de  Breteuil.  Write  me  if  you  have 
any  notions  thereon. 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  113 

Count  Fersen  to  the  Marquis  de  Bouille,  in  cipher. 

No  date. 

Try,  if  possible,  not  to  send  the  Due  de  Choiseul  here  [he 
had  already  started].  No  one,  certainly,  is  more  attached ; 
but  he  is  a  young  man,  a  blunderer,  and  I  fear  some  indis- 
cretion; he  has  too  many  friends,  relatives,  and  possibly  a 
mistress  to  save.  Send  back  Goguelat  instead,  on  any  pre- 
text, to  M.  Duportail.  I  have  had  much  difficulty  in  finding 
your  horses ;  I  hope  to  send  them  to-morrow. 

Make  sure  of  your  detachments,  and  do  not  send  them 
beyond  Varennes. 

Count  Fersen  to  the  Marquis  de  Bouille,  in  cipher. 

June  13, 1791. 

The  departure  is  fixed,  without  delay,  for  the  20th  at  mid- 
night. A  dangerous  maid  of  the  dauphin,  whom  they  could 
not  get  rid  of,  and  who  does  not  leave  till  Monday  morning 
has  forced  them  to  put  off  this  departure  till  Monday  night ; 
but  you  may  count  upon  it.  No  relays  will  be  sent  to 
Chaintrix;  it  is  simpler  to  go  on  with  post-horses.  The 
king  will  wear  a  red  coat,  and  will  make  himself  known 
according  to  what  the  Due  de  Choiseul  may  tell  him  as  to 
the  good  intentions  of  the  troops.  To  avoid  all  suspicion, 
and  all  excitement  at  Chalons  the  detachment  for  the  bridge 
of  Sommevesle  should  not  get  there  till  Tuesday  at  midday ; 
the  king  can  be  there  by  half-past  two. 

I  will  write  you  again  by  the  courier  of  to-morrow.  The 
departure  is  fixed,  unchangeably,  for  midnight  on  the  20th ; 
it  is  now  too  late  to  change  it.  Trust  to  me.  I  am  much 
pleased  with  the  Due  de  Choiseul.  If  all  should  fail  he 
will  be  at  Metz  Friday  morning ;  if  he  is  not  there,  you  can 
start  Sunday  morning,  and  rely  that  they  will  start  from 


114  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  iv. 

here  Monday  at  midnight.  I  will  take  measures  to  have 
you  warned  if  the  king  should  be  stopped.  There  has  been 
no  way  of  getting  rid  of  the  maid  without  compromising 
secrecy. 

Count  Fersen  to  the  Marquis  de  Bouille,  in  cipher. 

June  14, 1791. 

Nothing  is  changed  ;  they  start  without  fail  Monday,  20th 
at  midnight ;  they  will  be  at  the  bridge  of  Sommevesle,  Tues- 
day, half-past  two,  at  latest;  you  may  count  upon  this. 
Have  you  reflected  that  Monsieur  [the  Comte  de  Provence] 
will  arrive  at  the  same  time  ?  Can  you  lodge  him  at  Mont- 
me'dy ;  or  else  send  him  to  Longwy  ?  If  you  could  get  me  a 
room  at  Montm^dy  you  would  do  me  a  kindness.  We  have 
no  answer  as  yet  from  the  Comte  de  Mercy ;  they  have  writ- 
ten him  again  to  start  the  troops. 

Be  certain  that  the  start  will  be  Monday,  20th,  at  midnight. 
Monsieur  will  take  another  route  than  the  king.  The  gray 
horse  is  for  you ;  the  little  stallion  for  your  brother,  unless 
he  prefers  the  bay ;  the  two  others  are  for  Goguelat. 

Count  Fersen  to  his  father,  Field-Marshal  Fersen. 

Mons,  June  22,  1791.  6  a.m. 
I  have  this  instant  arrived,  my  dear  father.  The  king  and 
the  whole  family  left  Paris  safely  on  the  20th  at  midnight. 
I  drove  them  to  the  first  relay.  God  grant  that  the  rest  of 
their  journey  may  have  been  as  fortunate.  I  am  expecting 
Monsieur  here  at  every  moment.  I  shall  continue  my  way 
along  the  frontier  to  join  the  king  at  Montm^dy,  if  he  is  so 
fortunate  as  to  get  there. 

Axel  Fersen. 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  115 

Count  Fersen  to  Baron  Taube. 

Mons,  June  22, 1791.     11  a.m. 

My  dear  Friend,  —  The  king,  queen,  Madame  Elisabeth; 
the  dauphin,  and  Madame  Koyale  left  Paris  Monday  at  mid- 
night.    I  accompanied  them  to  Bondy  without  any  accident. 

I  am  this  moment  starting  to  meet  them. 

Axel  Fersen. 

Count  Fersen  to  the  King  of  Sweden. 

June  23,  1791.     Midnight. 

Sire,  —  All  has  failed.  The  king  was  stopped  at  sixteen 
leagues  from  the  frontier  and  taken  back  to  Paris.  I  am  going 
to  see  M.  de  Mercy  and  take  him  a  letter  from  the  king,  asking 
the  emperor  to  take  steps  for  him.  From  Brussels  I  shall 
go  to  see  Y.  M. 

I  am,  with  the  most  profound  respect,  Your  Majesty's 
very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant, 
Axel  Fersen. 

Count  Fersen  to  his  father. 

Ablon,  June  23, 1791. 

All  is  lost,  my  dear  father,  and  I  am  in  despair.     The 

king  was  stopped  at  Varennes,  sixteen  leagues  from  the 

frontier.    Judge  of  my  grief  and  pity  me.    It  was  M.  de 

Bouill^,  who  is  here,  who  told  me  of  it.     I  am  just  starting 

for  Brussels  to  take  to  M.  de  Mercy  the  letter  and  orders 

with  which  the  king  intrusted  me.     I  have  only  time  to 

assure  you  of  my  respect  and  love. 

Axel  Fersen. 

From  the  Diary  of  Count  Fersen. 

June  11,  1791.  Saturday.  Lafayette  wanted  to  double 
the  sentinels  and  look  over  all  the  carriages  of  the  palace. 


116  DIARY  AND  COBRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap,  iv 

Montmorin  said,  "That  will  be  a  bolt  the  more.  I  will 
not  take  upon  myself  to  speak  of  it." 

12th,  Sunday.  Journey  put  off  till  20th,  cause  a  chamber- 
maid.    Lafayette's  case  sent  to  court-martial. 

13th,  Monday.  Oath  for  officers.  They  say  the  guard  is 
to  be  doubled  and  all  the  king's  carriages  watched. 

16th,  Thursday.  Went  to  the  queen  at  9.30  ;  carried  all 
the  luggage  myself;  nothing  suspected;  nor  in  the  city. 
Oath  for  officers ;  that  will  make  many  depart. 

17th,  Friday.  Went  to  Bondy  and  Bourget.  Dined  at 
home. 

18th,  Saturday.  With  the  queen  from  half-past  two  till 
six.  Good  letter  from  the  emperor;  they  say  the  English 
fleet  has  sailed. 

19th,  Sunday.  With  the  king.  Took  charge  of  eight  hun- 
dred francs  and  the  Seals.  Eemained  at  the  palace  till 
midnight. 

20th,  Monday.  [The  Diary  for  20th  is  written  in  pencil, 
on  detached  pieces  of  paper,  of  which  half  are  missing.]  .  .  . 
remark,  and  asked  what  he  wished  to  do.  Both  answered 
me  that  there  was  no  hesitation ;  they  must  go  on.  We 
agreed  as  to  hours,  etc.,  etc. ;  if  they  were  stopped  I  must  go 
to  Brussels  and  act  for  them,  etc.,  etc.  On  leaving  me  the 
king  said :  "  Monsieur  de  Fersen,  whatever  may  happen  to 
me,  I  shall  never  forget  what  you  have  done  for  me."  The 
queen  wept  much.  At  six  o'clock  I  left  her ;  she  went  with 
the  children  to  the  gardens.  No  unusual  precautions.  I 
went  home  to  finish  my  affairs.  At  seven  to  Sullivan's  to 
see  if  the  carriage  had  come.  Went  home.  At  eight  wrote 
to  the  queen  to  change  the  rendezvous  of  the  maids  and 
instruct  them  carefully  to  let  me  know  the  exact  hour  by  the 
body-guard.  Carried  the  letter;  no  excitement.  At  eight 
and    three   quarters  the  guards  joined  me  and  gave  me 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  117 

the  letter  for  Mercy.  Instructed  them ;  went  home ;  sent  on 
my  own  carriage ;  gave  them  my  coachman  and  horses  to  start 
with.  Went  to  fetch  the  carriage.  Thought  I  had  dropped 
the  letter  for  Mercy.  At  ten  and  a  quarter  in  the  Cour  des 
Princes.  At  eleven  and  a  quarter  the  children  came  out, 
brought  without  difficulty ;  Lafayette  passed  twice ;  at  eleven 
and  three  quarters  Madame  Elisabeth,  then  the  king,  then 
the  queen.  At  midnight  started,  joined  the  carriage  at 
the  Barriere  Saint-Martin.  At  half-past  one  reached  Bondy ; 
there  they  took  the  post-road,  I  the  cross-roads  to  Bourget. 

21st.  Fine.  All  went  well ;  delay  on  the  cross-road.  The 
commandant  of  militia  asked  my  name ;  I  was  alarmed ; 
crossed  the  Quesnoy  and  came  out  by  Saint- Vast. 

22d.  Fine.  Very  cold  last  night.  Reached  Mons  at  six. 
Sullivan,  Balbi,  Monsieur,  many  Frenchmen  very  glad.  A 
monk  in  the  street  asked  me  if  the  king  was  saved.  Left  at 
eleven ;  plain  as  far  as  Namur,  then  mountains.  Everybody 
glad  the  king  had  escaped. 

23d.  Fine  weather,  cold.  Reached  Arlon  eleven  at  night. 
Found  Bouille* ;  learned  the  king  was  taken ;  the  details  not 
well  known.  The  detachments  did  not  do  their  duty  ;  the 
king  lacked  firmness  and  head.  .  Rested  there. 

24th.  Started  half -past  four  in  the  morning ;  fine.  Every- 
body grieved  that  the  king  was  taken.  The  French  wanted  to 
burn  two  villages  near  Longwy.  Felt  awful  sadness.  The 
whole  country  about  Luxembourg  in  despair  that  the  king  was 
taken.  What  a  change !  .  .  .  Reached  Namur  at  midnight. 
Found  Monsieur  there. 

25th.  Fine  and  warm.  Started  in  the  morning ;  reached 
Brussels  two  hours  after  midday.  Many  Frenchmen  lodged  at 
the  Hotel  de  Bellevue.  Went  to  Comte  de  Mercy's  house ;  did 
not  find  him ;  left  the  king's  letter  for  him.  Many  persons 
came  to  question  me.     Talked  with  Mercy  in  the  evening. 


118  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  iv. 

Resolved  to  make  an  attempt  to  write.  He  sees  black ;  says, 
"  Say  nothing  to  the  princes ;  Monsieur  ought  to  take  charge 
of  alL  All  must  be  done  over  again."  No  order  given  here, 
notwithstanding  the  two  letters  of  the  emperor  to  the  queen ; 
he  is  a  thorough  Italian,  that  Leopold. 

26th.  Fine  and  warm.  At  one  o'clock  went  to  the  arch- 
duchess [Maria  Christina,  sister  of  Marie-Antoinette,  Regent 
of  the  Low  Countries]  ;  very  kind  to  me  and  much  touched. 
Mercy  spoke  to  Monsieur  ;  he  is  beneath  the  work  he  ought 
to  do. 

27th.  Fine  and  warm.  Paid  my  court  to  the  Comte 
d'Artois ;  nothing  said.  Spoke  to  Monsieur  ;  he  is  very  re- 
served and  embarrassed.  All  that  gives  me  a  bad  opinion  of 
the  state  of  things.  People  talk  to  me  of  the  departure  from 
Paris ;  they  know  it  was  my  doing,  and  they  consider  me 
much  at  Court. 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  119 


CHAPTEE  V. 

1791.  Vain  efforts  to  induce  the  European  Powers  to  take  steps  in  behalf 
of  the  King  and  Queen  of  France.  —  Gallant  Proposal  of  Gustavus  III., 
King  of  Sweden. 

[In  July  the  King  of  Sweden  sent  Count  Fersen  to  Vienna 
to  negotiate  with  the  emperor  certain  measures  to  facilitate 
a  descent  on  Normandy  which  Gustavus  III.  desired  to 
undertake  with  Swedish  and  Eussian  troops,  simultaneously 
with  the  efforts  of  the  other  Powers,  for  the  purpose  of  res- 
cuing the  royal  family  of  France,  and  restoring  the  monarchy. 
According  to  the  king's  instructions  Count  Fersen  was  to 
request  the  emperor :  (1)  that  the  King  of  Sweden  be  per- 
mitted to   disembark   his   troops   in  the   port   of   Ostend; 

(2)  that  facilities  be  given  to  obtain  supplies  and  recruits ; 

(3)  that  an  artillery  siege  train  be  lent  to  him.  If  Count 
Fersen  found  the  emperor  favourably  inclined  he  was  to  try 
to  make  him  recognize  the  King  of  Sweden  as  the  leader 
of  the  league,  and  the  one  who  was  called  upon  to  put 
the  said  project  (of  the  descent  on  Normandy)  into  execution 
personally. 

Count  Fersen  reached  Vienna  August  2, 1771.  The  nego- 
tiation advanced  very  slowly,  owing  to  the  indecision  of  the 
Emperor  Leopold,  the  ill-will  of  his  ministers  who  were  little 
inclined  to  lend  any  active  succour  to  the  King  of  France, 
and  the  intrigues  of  the  princes,  the  Comte  dArtois  and  the 
Prince  de  Conde* ;  the  former  of  whom  went  to  Vienna  with 
M.  de  Calonne  to  work  in  their  own  interests,  and  not  in 
those  of  the  King  of  France.  Count  Fersen,  obliged  to  ac- 
company the  imperial  Court  to  Prague,  where  it  went  for  the 


120  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  v. 

coronation  of  the  emperor,  returned  to  Brussels  in  October 
without  having  succeeded  in  his  mission.] 

Diary.  June  28th.  Fine  and  warm.  News  from  Paris 
of  the  king's  return  there.  Barnave  and  Pdtion  in  their  car- 
riage —  what  a  horror !  No  applause.  Letter  from  Bouille,  — 
bad;  Crawford  offers  to  go  to  England.  The  archduchess 
proposed  to  me  to  go  to  Vienna;  accepted.  The  National 
Assembly  usurps  the  executive  power.  The  king  in  the  con- 
dition of  a  prisoner.  Talked  with  Comte  d'Artois ;  much  won 
over,  but  light-headed  and  too  hasty  ;  talked  to  me  of  wrongs 
done  him  in  relation  to  the  Baron  de  Breteuil,  etc. ;  said  he 
was  sure  of  England  and  Prussia ;  complained  of  Mercy  be- 
cause he  will  not  march  at  once  and  compromise  himself. 
Boasted  of  Calonne,  who  came  in  just  as  I  was  leaving. 

30th.  Eeached  Aix-la-Chapelle  at  3.30.  Saw  the  king 
[Gustavus  III.],  very  well  inclined.  Wished  me  to  go  to 
England.  Proposed  Crawford  for  that,  and  myself  for  Vienna. 
Accepted.  Warm  feelings  of  all  the  Frenchmen  to  me ;  I 
was  touched  by  them. 

July  4.  Brussels.  Went  to  Mercy  at  five  p.  m.  Letter 
from  the  queen.  The  emperor  did  send  orders  to  march  twelve 
thousand  men  to  protect  the  king's  escape.  Very  good 
memorial  of  Kaunitz  to  the  emperor  on  the  affairs  of  France. 
Dined  with  Sullivan.  Conversation  with  Mme.  de  Lamballe ; 
gossip  and  nonsense. 

13th.  The  king  and  queen  [of  France]  are  not  lost  sight 
of  a  moment :  all  doors  are  kept  open ;  guards  in  the  room 
adjoining  the  bedchamber.  The  doors  are  only  closed  for  one 
moment  while  they  put  on  their  chemises ;  as  soon  as  they 
are  in  bed  they  are  looked  at,  and  several  times  during  the 
night.  Never  alone.  Cannot  speak  to  each  other  unless  in 
whispers.     No  one  allowed  to  enter  the  palace  except  by 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  121 

tickets  from  Lafayette  or  the  mayor.  Grieved  by  the  letter ; 
still,  it  may  be  well. 

17th.  Started  at  midday ;  reached  Aix-la-chapelle  18th  at 
nine  a.  m.,  and  Spa  19  th  at  nine  a.  m.  Alexandre  Lameth, 
Bamave,  Lafayette,  Duport,  Merreville  have  coalesced  and 
separated  from  the  Jacobins ;  they  have  made  overtures 
to  Mercy  through  Pere  Laborde  to  get  him  to  induce  the 
king  [of  France]  to  come  to  an  understanding  with  them ; 
Mercy  told  them  strong  truths. 

Found  Crawford  at  home.  Agreed  together  about  what  he 
should  say  in  England  ;  we  must  know  if  that  Power  regards 
the  continuation  of  anarchy  in  France  as  more  advantageous 
than  order ;  representations  should  be  made  of  the  danger  that 
will  come  to  England  itself  through  the  disaffected. 

Orders  positive  and  urgent  from  the  emperor  to  succour 
the  king.  Writes  very  well  of  me ;  says  Kaunitz  has  an 
abstracted  air  in  affairs,  but  is  not  so  really.  Agrees  that  we 
must  absolutely  exclude  the  princes,  and  that  the  whole 
affair  must  be  negotiated  between  the  foreign  Powers,  because 
of  the  intrigues  among  the  persons  who  surround  the  princes ; 
says  a  congress  should  be  formed  to  settle  all.  They  talk 
openly  at  Coblentz  of  two  parties :  that  of  the  queen,  and  that 
of  d'Artois. 

21st.  Presented  Crawford  to  the  king.  Agreed  upon 
everything.  Dined  with  the  king.  Wrote  the  whole  even- 
ing for  him  —  a  note  in  reply  to  questions.  Talked  with  him. 
Bouille  enters  the  Swedish  service ;  he  talks,  like  all  French- 
men, with  much  levity. 

22d.  Sent  Crawford  off  to  England  this  morning.  He 
hopes  much.  Grave  him  a  letter  for  the  king  [of  England] 
and  one  for  Pitt,  and  a  note  from  myself  for  the  archduchess. 
Details  from  Paris  from  my  man :  dreadful. 

24th.    I   was   despatched.    Letter  for  the  emperor,  foi 


122  DIARY  AND   CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap,  v 

Kaunitz,  instructions,  copy  of  letters  to  Berlin;  etc.,  etc.; 
started  at  2  o'clock. 

25th.  Beached  Coblentz  at  4.30.  At  7  went  to  the 
princes.  They  breakfast  at  midday  and  dine  at  7.  Monsieur 
better  than  d'Artois.     Eead  the  papers  of  the  king  to  him. 

Comte  d'Artois  wants  no  negotiation,  only  force  without 
regard  to  dangers.  Dissatisfied  with  the  papers ;  wants  them 
suppressed ;  full  powers  not  necessary.  Showedhim  Breteuil's 
letter  announcing  20,000  Spaniards,  and  6  millions  in  Hol- 
land for  the  king  at  liberty.  D'Artois  said  he  knew  all  that. 
Monsieur  showed  signs  of  feeling ;  d'Artois  talks  always,  and 
never  listens,  —  being  sure  of  everything;  wants  only  force, 
no  negotiations.  Monsieur  would  do  better  alone,  but  is 
entirely  subjugated  by  the  other.  Calonne  is  coming  from 
Aix-la-Chapelle ;  they  asked  me  to  wait  for  him.  .  .  .  Conde" 
here,  and  a  number  of  others.  The  princes  want  to  dispose 
of  all  foreign  forces,  divide  them,  and  appoint  the  general 
officers.  They  have  sent  for  Broglie  and  Castries;  the 
former  will  come ;  doubtful  if  the  other  does,  on  account  of 
Calonne. 

26th.  Wrote  all  the  morning  to  Mercy,  Taube,  Crawford. 
At  4.30  to  the  princes  to  talk.  Vaudreuil  told  them  that 
Lafayette  wished  that  the  king  and  queen  should  be  killed. 
Monsieur  said :  "  I  have  no  ambition  for  his  esteem,  but  he 
must  despise  me  very  much  to  have  such  an  idea."  D'Artois 
proposed  to  stir  up  Paris  with  money.  I  opposed  the  idea 
from  the  danger  of  defection  and  a  single  bad  agent.  Pro- 
posed also,  at  the  moment  of  the  manifesto,  safety  and  forget- 
fulness  of  the  past  to  Lafayette,  with  permission  to  leave  by 
any  port  in  safety.  Eeplied  :  that  alone  he  was  nothing ;  the 
same  thing  must  be  offered  to  his  companions,  whoever  they 
were ;  and  besides,  the  means  were  not  safe.  They  agreed. 
...  I  dined  there ;  much  company ;  the  Elector  of  Treves, 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  123 

with  his  sister,  Princess  Cunegonde ;  very  good  to  the  French. 
The  elector  defrays  the  expenses  of  the  princes  for  their 
table,  lodging,  and  horses ;  he  gives  pensions  to  the  priests 
and  lodges  the  body-guard. 

At  8  o'clock  news  came  that  Calonne  was  overturned  into 
the  Rhine,  his  carriage  lost,  he  saved  by  swimming ;  why  did 
he  not  stay  there!  Arrived  all  wet  at  9  o'clock.  Comte 
d'Artois  begged  me  to  see  him.  He  told  me  that  he  was 
sure  of  England  and  of  her  perfect  neutrality ;  that  he  had 
nothing  in  writing,  but  verbal  promises  from  the  king  and 
his  ministers ;  that  the  Prince  of  Wales  and  members  of  the 
Opposition  had  told  him  that  action  should  be  taken  at  once 
because  Pitt  had  refused  to  do  anything.  ...  In  short,  he 
was  sure  that  England  would  respond  well  if  the  other 
Powers  took  steps. 

27th.     Started  at  4.30  and  reached  Vienna  August  2. 

August  2d.  Looked  for  lodgings.  Quantities  of  stran- 
gers, especially  Poles  dissatisfied  with  the  new  government 
and  with  their  throne  being  made  hereditary.  At  6  to  the 
Prater  to  see  Blanchard  go  up  in  a  balloon :  very  good.  Fine 
place,  much  company,  superb  drive  along  the  Danube ;  full 
of  tea-gardens,  very  lively. 

3d.  Dined  with  Bildt  and  Asp  at  Augarten,  a  pavilion 
belonging  to  the  emperor,  where  he  only  breakfasts  and  dines ; 
the  garden  always  open  to  the  public ;  fine  establishment  for 
dinners,  —  species  of  Vauxhall.  Dined  very  well  for  two 
florins  and  a  half. 

Vienna  grand,  especially  the  faubourgs ;  much  movement 
and  magnificence,  but  that  does  not  strike  one  as  much. 

The  emperor  has  forbidden  the  French  ambassador,  M.  de 
Noailles,  to  appear  at  Court,  his  master  being  a  prisoner ;  a 
half-measure  which  is  worth  nothing. 

4th.    At  11  o'clock  went  to  the  emperor;  much  company, 

Ver.  8  9  Mem. 


124  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  v. 

it  was  audience.  I  had  written  on  the  day  of  my  arrival  to 
Prince  Eosenberg,  the  grand-master.  No  one  was  there  to 
announce;  two  valets  at  the  door,  whom  they  called  Ram- 
mer herren.  At  the  end  of  half  an  hour  they  ushered  me 
in.  The  emperor  talked  much  and  listened  little.  He 
asked :  "  Where  is  the  king  [of  Sweden]  ?  Has  he  come 
away  for  important  affairs  ?  what  is  his  project  ?  what  are 
his  views  ? " 

Fersen.  The  king's  project  is  to  furnish  troops  and 
vessels  conjointly  with  the  Empress  of  Eussia,  with  whom 
he  has  negotiated  on  this  subject ;  but  as  he  cannot  disem- 
bark in  France  he  asks  Your  Majesty  for  the  port  of  Ostend 
in  which  to  disembark  and  leave  his  vessels. 

Emperor.  Yes,  but  I  am  waiting  for  answers  from  the 
empress,  to  whom  I  have  sent  a  courier ;  and  so  I  have  to 
England ;  I  must  be  fully  assured  of  the  latter's  neutrality 
— though  she  can't  do  anything  else. 

Fersen.  The  princes  charged  me  to  tell  Your  Majesty 
that  M.  de  Calonne  assured  them  that  England  would  be 
neutral ;  he  has  just  come  from  there. 

Emperor.     Did  you  see  him  ? 

Fersen.     Yes. 

Emperor.     What  did  he  say  ? 

Fersen.     That  —  etc.,  etc.,  etc. 

Emperor.  But  he  is  rather  light-headed;  I  know  him; 
I  don't  trust  him  much ;  he  believes  so  easily. 

Fersen.  I  think  as  you  do;  and  for  that  reason  M. 
Crawford  has  now  been  sent. 

Emperor.  Ah !  I  know  him  and  his  pretended  Mme.  Craw- 
ford.    (Details  about  her.)     He  is  a  man  of  intelligence. 

Fersen.    He  is  authorized  to  —  etc.,  etc.,  etc. 

Emperor.  Ah!  that  is  very  good;  but  we  must  first 
know  what  the  King  of  England  means  to  do  as  Elector  of 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  125 

Hanover.  I  have  urged  the  Diet  to  explain  itself  as  to  the 
project  of  the  Elector  of  Mayence,  which  is  very  reasonable. 
Naples  is  all  right  and  will  give  vessels.  The  King  of  Sar- 
dinia gives  all  his  troops,  but  there  is  excitement  in  his  coun- 
try about  the  flight  and  arrest  of  the  king ;  I  have  sent  into 
Italy  on  his  frontier  10  battalions  and  a  regiment  of  cavalry 
to  ensure  tranquillity.  Prussia,  and  the  King  of  Prussia  per- 
sonally, are  all  right ;  he  has  sent  the  men  on  furlough 
[semestricis]  to  their  homes ;  but  he  has  kept  the  corps  of 
Prince  Hohenlohe  to  act  on  this  side.  I  know  that  the 
King  of  Sweden  has  appealed  to  Hesse. 

Fersen.     Yes,  and  to  Bavaria. 

Emperor.  That  help  will  not  be  much  —  but  it  is 
always  something. 

Fersen.  Little  as  it  is  it  will  be  increased ;  and  besides,  it 
has  an  effect. 

Emperor.  There  is  a  very  bad  man  there  ;  I  believe  he 
has  the  spirit  of  the  Assembly ;  he  commands  the  troops ;  he 
is  very  bad.  He  is  M.  Johnson,  an  American ;  but  he  can'i 
do  much.  Spain  is  the  one  from  whom  we  must  expect 
least  help ;  not  that  she  is  ill-disposed,  but  she  is  in  a  bad 
state.  Smce  the  arrest  of  the  king  I  have  had  no  news 
from  there. 

Fersen.  I  must  inform  Your  Majesty  of  the  answer 
made  by  Spain  to  the  Baron  de  Breteuil,  etc.,  etc. ;  but  this 
was  in  case  the  king  was  at  liberty ;  perhaps  it  is  changed 
now. 

Emperor.  I  do  not  think  so;  I  know  that  Spain  con- 
tinues to  send  troops  to  the  Pyrenees ;  but  of  eight  regiments 
of  cavalry  she  could  only  get  together  three  thousand  men ; 
she  is  raising  ten  thousand  men  in  Switzerland,  but  on 
ridiculous  conditions.  There  is  not  to  be  a  single  one  that 
is  not  Catholic !     The  Dutch  consent  to  lend  her  money,  but 


126  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  v. 

on  ridiculous  terms.  They  want  her  to  put  Corunna  and 
Manila  into  their  hands.  She  is  trying  to  make  a  loan  in 
Portugal,  which  holds  out  hopes  to  her.  The  declaration  of 
Spain  is  as  unmeaning  as  it  can  be ;  one  can't  tell  what  it  is ; 
it  would  have  been  better  to  say  nothing.  Naples  gives 
vessels  to  go  to  the  coasts  of  Provence,  but  the  king 
cannot  supply  troops.  I  await  the  answers  of  Spain,  Eng- 
land and  Eussia  before  deciding;  England  is  the  most 
important. 

Fersen.  I  think,  as  Your  Majesty  does,  that  before  under- 
taking anything  we  must,  to  ensure  success,  have  a  great 
concurrence  of  means,  which  shall  impose  respect  and  insure 
the  individual  safety  of  the  king,  the  queen,  and  their  family. 
Your  Majesty  must  feel  more  than  any  one  how  very  neces- 
sary that  precaution  is. 

Emperor.  Yes,  no  doubt ;  I  feel  it  and  I  believe  that 
nothing  but  an  imposing  force  can  save  them ;  all  half-meas- 
ures are  worth  nothing ;  we  must  not  act  before  all  is  ready ; 
when  that  is  so,  a  first  proclamation  must  be  made,  then  a 
second,  in  short,  all  that  is  necessary ;  and  after  that  we  must 
act ;  for  threats  without  anything  to  carry  them  out  only  do 
harm. 

Fersen.  I  desire  to  render  account  to  Your  Majesty  of 
the  projects  of  the  Comte  d'Artois.  He  has  one  of  sending 
persons  to  Paris  with  money  to  form  a  party.  I  have  op- 
posed it  with  such  and  such  reasons. 

Emperor.  All  that  is  of  no  use  ;  they  are  half-measures, 
petty  schemes  which  can  only  do  harm. 

After  talking  a  little  about  the  state  of  France  I  said :  — 

"  The  archduchess  is  very  much  embarrassed  in  Brussels  by 
this  great  influx  of  Frenchmen,  especially  officers.  She 
fears  that  their  presence  will  have  an  influence  on  the  sol- 
diers, and  may  make  them  discontented." 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  127 

Emperor.  Oh,  our  men  are  of  a  different  kind ;  it  would 
be  very  difficult  to  do  that.  Besides,  if  we  ever  saw  the 
slightest  sign  of  it  we  should  immediately  make  a  terrible 
example;  when  it  is  a  question  of  discipline  there  is  no 
venial  fault. 

He  did  not  ask  me  for  details  of  the  king  and  queen 
leaving  Paris ;  in  fact  he  talked  much  and  listened  little. 

I  left  him  and  went  to  dine  with  Asp  and  Bildt  at 
Schbnbrunn,  a  chateau  about  half  a  league  from  the  town, 
where  the  empress  often  goes.  It  is  a  very  large  and  long 
building,  but  in  bad  taste,  backing  on  a  hill  which  is  made 
into  a  garden.  At  the  top  is  a  pavilion,  where  the  chateau 
ought  to  have  been  placed. 

Went  to  see  Kaunitz;  a  very  extraordinary  man,  who 
affects  to  be  more  extraordinary  still ;  his  wig  was  two 
inches  from  his  eyebrows  on  all  sides ;  red  coat,  black 
breeches,  top-boots,  for  his  sole  mania  is  to  ride  daily  in  the 
riding-schooL  As  he  entered  he  distributed  nods  to  all  pres- 
ent, who  seemed  very  eager  to  receive  them.  He  is  very  deaf, 
but  he  assumes  that  no  one  perceives  it.  He  dislikes  per- 
fumes ;  never  takes  the  fresh  air ;  when  he  crosses  the  court- 
yard at  five  or  six  o'clock,  he  holds  his  handkerchief  before 
his  mouth,  and  in  spite  of  the  great  heat  he  keeps  all  the 
windows  closed.  He  said  very  flattering  things  to  me  about 
my  recommendations.  I  gave  him  the  king  [of  Sweden] 's 
letter,  which  he  put  in  his  pocket  without  reading  it.  At 
the  end  of  half  an  hour  he  began  to  ask  me  details  about  the 
king  and  queen  [of  France].  As  there  were  many  persons 
present,  among  them  Baron  d'Escars,  I  was  very  laconic 
and  he  did  not  press  me. 

6th.  At  six  o'clock  went  to  dine  with  Prince  Kaunitz. 
I  arrived  too  late  to  see  him  in  the  riding-school  which  is 
his  sole  passion ;  he  is  vain  of  his  riding,  and  it  is  a  means 


128  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  v. 

of  paying  court  to  him.  In  summer  he  lives  at  his  country- 
house,  which  is  in  the  suburbs  of  Vienna.  Madame  de  Clary, 
a  little  widow  and  his  relation,  does  the  honours.  She  is  the 
echo  of  the  prince ;  when  he  speaks  she  repeats  all  he  says. 
We  sat  down  to  table  at  half-past  seven.  Casanova,  the 
painter,  was  there ;  he  is  the  sycophant  of  the  prince,  who  is 
never  in  good  humour  unless  he  is  with  him.  As  the  prince 
is  very  vain  the  painter  flings  flattery  at  his  head  in  a  dis- 
gusting manner;  but  the  other  swallows  it  with  delight. 
The  latter  talked  very  well  at  dessert  on  the  affairs  of 
France.  He  enunciates  with  clearness  and  precision,  but 
slowly  and  methodically ;  he  listens  to  himself.  One  of  his 
manias  being  that  he  cannot  bear  fresh  air,  all  the  windows 
were  closed,  notwithstanding  the  extreme  heat.  "We  did  not 
leave  the  table  till  nine  o'clock.  He  ate  a  great  deal.  He 
spoke  insultingly  of  the  French,  whom,  as  a  general  thing,  he 
does  not  like. 

9th.  At  5.30  went  to  the  riding-school  to  see  Kaunitz. 
He  kept  strictly  to  the  answer  of  the  emperor,  which  he 
repeated  at  length  and  methodically.  He  seemed  to  doubt 
the  sincerity  of  England,  and  dwelt  on  the  necessity  of  being 
sure  of  her.  He  asked  me  what  had  been  the  project  of  the 
King  of  France,  and  what  proposition  he  would  have  made  to 
the  Assembly  had  he  escaped.  I  told  him  he  would  have 
based  it  on  his  declaration  of  June  23,  which  the  prince  could 
not  remember.  He  made  a  note  of  this.  He  made  a  great 
eulogy  on  the  King  of  Sweden,  whom  he  called  "  Gustavus," 
and  told  me  that  the  object  of  my  mission  seemed  to  him  to 
present  no  difficulty,  but  that  it  was  a  secondary  measure  to 
take,  after  all  the  Powers  had  agreed.  On  the  whole,  it  seems 
to  me  that  the  thing  will  be  long  delayed,  and  that  no  great 
warmth  will  be  put  into  it.  For  that  reason  I  should  be 
glad  to  shorten  my  stay  here,  but  I  am  afraid  I  shall  be 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  129 

obliged  to  go  to  Prague.  Prince  Kaunitz  was  extremely 
polite  and  obliging  to  me. 

14th.  Saw  the  emperor.  He  has  received  a  long  letter  from 
the  queen  [his  sister  Marie-Antoinette]  through  M.  de 
Noailles,  in  which  she  said  that  the  Assembly  was  acting 
well  and  that  they  had  nothing  to  fear  except  from  those 
without.  She  ended  by  saying  that  he  had  only  to  "com- 
pare what  she  now  wrote  to  him  with  what  she  had 
always  written  to  him,  and  draw  the  necessary  conclu- 
sions by  which  to  act."  The  emperor  concluded  from  that 
sentence  that  the  letter  was  forced,  and  that  she  still  wished 
for  help.  He  seems  decided  to  give  it,  —  but  with  precautions 
to  assure  their  safety  from  the  canaille.  He  is  awaiting  the 
answer  from  Spain ;  he  has  no  doubt  of  that  country's  good- 
will, but  much  of  her  ability  to  act.  The  answer  of  England 
is  good ;  he  seems  satisfied  with  it,  although  it  says  nothing 
positive  ;  but  it  could  not  be  otherwise.  He  does  not  doubt 
the  Empress  of  Russia.     He  said  to  me :  — 

"  They  all  say  that  they  must  see ;  that  the  means  must  be 
agreed  upon.;  they  want  to  be  assured  of  payment,  and  how 
is  it  possible  to  assure  them  ?  I  see  that  they  want  some 
pledge ;  but  if  they  had  it,  would  they  return  it  ?  For 
you  know  what  is  good  to  take  is  good  to  keep ;  and  I 
fear  lest  that  should  be  their  principle.  They  say,  more- 
over, that  they  must  have  an  answer  from  England.  But 
I  shall  see  the  King  of  Prussia  at  Dresden,  and  learn  his 
private  sentiments,  and  then  we  may  be  able  to  take  a 
course.  Meanwhile  I  shall  take  advantage  of  this  letter  of 
the  queen  to  reply  to  her  through  the  same  channel ;  I  shall 
pretend  to  think  it  safe  and  confidential  and  shall  tell  her 
certain  truths,  but  the  letter  will  be  ostensible,  it  will  be 
opened  and  read ;  the  opportunity  is  too  good  to  lose.  What 
do  you  think  about  it  ? " 


130  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  v. 

Fersen.  I  think  as  you  do,  sire,  that  you  had  better 
profit  by  it,  and  appear  to  be  the  dupe  of  those  fellows  ;  it  is 
the  system  the  king  and  queen  have  followed  for  some  time, 
and  it  is  the  only  one  to  adopt. 

The  emperor  then  spoke  of  Comte  d'Artois'  scheme  of 
offering  a  pardon  to  M.  de  Lafayette  and  Company.  He  did 
not  seem  to  approve  of  that  course.  He  seems  to  me  to  wish 
to  act.  I  have  made  up  my  mind  to  go  to  Prague,  and  return 
to  Brussels  from  there. 

Dined  with  Easumoffski.  Count  Bergen  came  after  din- 
ner to  tell  us  that  Madame  de  Polignac  had  arrived.  .  .  . 
Went  to  Madame  de  Polignac.  She  wept  on  seeing  me.  I 
felt  pleasure  and  pain  at  seeing  her. 

24th.  Went  to  see  the  Duchesse  de  Polignac.  She  talks 
much  of  public  affairs,  and  little  of  her  friend. 

Prague,  29th.  Prague  is  a  very  lively  town ;  many  car- 
riages ;  customary  to  go  about  the  streets  with  four  or  six 
horses. 

31st.  Declaration  of  the  emperor  and  King  of  Prussia  pretty 
good,  but  time  is  passing.  Entry  of  the  emperor  into  Prague 
at  three  o'clock.  Eighty  carriages  with  six  horses ;  those  of 
the  Court  not  very  fine.  Equipage  of  Prince  Swartzenburg 
fine ;  the  others  hideous ;  those  of  the  Court  very  shabby. 
Bourgoisie  on  horseback  very  good ;  German  guards  in  ex- 
traordinary red  uniforms  much  befrogged,  a  long  soubreveste 
[sleeveless  outer  coat]  of  black  velvet  braided ;  they  are  not 
mounted,  and  on  occasions  like  this  the  first  regiment  of 
carbineers  lends  them  its  horses.  The  prettiest  was  the 
Hungarian  guard  and  the  detachment  of  the  carbineers  and 
cuirassiers  was  superb ;  so  were  the  grenadier  battalions 
formed  from  the  different  regiments. 

The  Due  and  Duchesse  de  Polignac  arrived  at  three  o'clock. 

Prague,  September  2d.     Saw  the  emperor  this   morning. 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  131 

Met  Polignac  on  my  way.  He  showed  me  a  manifesto  of  the 
princes  in  which  they  say  that  if  the  king  is  not  set  at 
liberty  by  the  15th  of  October  in  some  frontier  place  in 
Hainaut,  Alsace,  or  Franche-Comte'  (where  he  must  be 
guarded  by  foreign  troops,  not  being  able  to  rely  on  the 
French  army  until  order  be  restored  in  France),  Monsieur 
will  then  declare  himself  Regent,  until  the  moment  when  the 
king  is  at  liberty.  Polignac  told  me  he  had  just  given  a 
copy  to  the  emperor,  begging  him  to  sign  it ;  but  the  emperor 
asked  him  to  let  him  keep  it,  and  said  he  would  reply 
to-morrow. 

I  asked  the  emperor  for  an  answer  respecting  the  port  of 
Ostend,  —  saying  that  the  King  of  Sweden  was  fully  pre- 
pared to  act,  and  was  only  awaiting  the  emperor's  answer  to 
start  at  once. 

Emperor.  But  they  tell  me  the  king  wants  to  disembark 
at  the  Hogue. 

Fersen.  I  can  assure  Y.  M.  it  is  not  so ;  it  would  be  im- 
possible without  revictualling  after  so  long  a  voyage. 

Emperor.  Yes,  yes,  I  understand :  but  the  Empress  of 
Russia  will  ask  the  same  thing ;  I  am  expecting  every  day 
to  hear  from  her.  I  must  know  whether  her  vessels  are  to 
come  in  separately  from  those  of  the  King  of  Sweden ;  after 
that  we  can  arrange  the  whole  thing  together. 

Fersen.  Will  Y.  M.  permit  me  to  see  the  answer  of  the 
King  of  Spain  to  Y.  M.  and  to  the  King  of  Sweden  ? 

Emperor.  Yes,  you  can  ask  Count  Coblentz  for  them.  I 
will  have  a  copy  given  to  you. 

Fersen.  I  should  like  to  send  it  to  Sweden  in  case  the 
courier  from  Spain  should  have  been  delayed.  Besides,  for 
all  the  arrangements  with  the  King  of  Sweden  I  am  pro- 
vided with  full  powers  from  the  king  and  even  with  blank 
agreements  in  case  Your  Majesty  desires  to  sign  yourself. 


132  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  v. 

Emperor.  As  for  the  item  about  Ostend  there  is  no  need 
of  it;  those  are  orders  which  must  be  given  in  the  Low 
Countries. 

Fersen.  The  king  [of  Sweden]  desires  as  to  that  a  written 
agreement. 

Emperor.  Yes,  but  we  must  wait  for  the  answer  from 
Eussia. 

Fersen.  Has  the  Due  de  Polignac  shown  Your  Majesty 
the  draft  of  a  manifesto  ? 

Emperor.    Yes ;  I  do  not  approve  of  it. 

Fersen.  I  think  Y.  M.  is  right.  Any  step  whatever  taken 
before  the  troops  are  ready  is  harmful.  The  idea  of  the 
regency  is  also  harmful ;  and  will  furnish  a  pretext  to  turn 
against  the  princes  by  making  it  believed  that  they  wish  to 
seize  the  government  and  put  the  king  under  guardianship. 
None  but  imbeciles  will  think  they  act  for  the  king  in  act- 
ing for  the  princes.  The  project  of  having  him  guarded  by 
foreigners  will  never  succeed. 

5th.  Wrote  to  the  queen.  Saw  Coblentz  in  the  morning. 
He  gave  me  copies  of  the  letters  of  Spain,  the  demands  of 
the  Comte  d'Artois  and  the  answers,  the  declaration  of  Spain 
to  Paris,  and  that  of  the  emperor  with  the  changes  made  by 
Spain ;  all  this  confirms  them  more  and  more  in  the  idea  of 
a  congress,  to  shorten  the  affair  and  settle  everything.  He 
liked  my  idea  of  insisting  on  the  liberty  of  the  king  and 
fixing  the  place  to  which  he  should  then  go,  without  entering 
upon  any  detail  of  the  Constitution  or  any  negotiation  with 
the  Assembly.  He  told  me  that  in  the  declaration  sent  to 
the  Courts  it  was  proposed  to  recall  all  the  ambassadors  from 
France  and  assemble  them  in  congress  at  Aix-la-Chapelle.  I 
asked  if  that  proposition  had  been  sent  to  Sweden.  He 
answered,  after  a  moment,  that  he  was  not  sure,  but  would 
ask  and  let  me  know ;  whereby  I  saw  that  it  had  not  been 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  133 

sent.  There  is  great  slowness.  He  told  me  that  the  King 
of  Prussia  had  been  against  a  congress,  and  wanted  every- 
thing negotiated  in  Vienna  by  the  ambassadors  now  there. 
Also  that  the  King  of  Prussia  advised  no  immediate  action ; 
but  previous  consultation  as  to  the  declarations  that  ought 
to  be  made. 

6th.  Coronation  of  the  emperor  in  the  chapel  of  Saint- 
Wenceslas  in  the  castle;  smalljnot  fine,  no  preparations  to 
make  the  fete  beautiful  Ceremony  lasted  from  8  a.  m.  to  11 
o'clock.  The  Archbishops  of  Prague  and  Olmiitz  officiated ; 
he  of  Prague  put  on  the  crown ,  every  one  applauded  and 
cried,  "  Viva ! "  —  little  order.  They  dined  in  the  Salle  du 
Serment  —  the  emperor  under  a  dais.  After  he  had  drunk, 
the  company  sat  down  to  the  other  tables  of  which  there  were 
twelve,  of  twelve  covers  each.  I  was  not  at  the  dinner,  but 
I  went  to  see  it  from  the  gallery  with  Prince  Hohenlohe,  the 
Prussian  general.  I  was  rather  displeased  at  not  being  at 
the  dinner.  As  a  general  thing,  foreigners  receive  little 
attention  here. 

General  Hohenlohe  comes  on  the  part  of  the  King  of 
Prussia  [Frederick-William]  to  concert  a  plan  of  operations 
and  urge  the  emperor  to  act ;  the  king  is  all  ready.  They 
want  to  go  too  fast  and  do  not  really  know  the  situation  in 
France,  but  this  may  hasten  the  emperor  a  little.  Hohenlohe 
is  a  great  man,  solely  military ;  from  his  talk  I  see  that  the 
animosity  between  the  two  countries  still  exists.  He  spoke 
to  me  with  disdain  of  the  Austrian  troops;  nevertheless, 
they  are  fine.  He  told  me  he  was  empowered  to  make 
proposals  for  marching  the  Prussian  troops ;  that  his  master 
was  ready ;  that  he  would  do  nothing  that  the  emperor  did 
not  do  at  the  same  moment ;  that  he  had  given  half  a  million 
of  florins  to  Comte  d'Artois ;  that  Bischoffswerder  was  charged 
in  Italy  to  make  proposals  to  the  emperor  to  cede  to  the 


134  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  v. 

Elector  Palatine  certain  districts  in  Alsace;  to  Prussia, 
Bergue  and  Juliers  and  something  in  Hainaut;  that  the 
emperor  had  refused;  but  the  matter  ought  now  to  be  re- 
vived, as  it  would  be  a  means  to  make  the  emperor  bestir 
himself  in  behalf  of  the  king  and  queen,  if  he  meant  to  act. 
I  saw  in  all  this  Prussian  intrigues  and  the  distrust  which 
exists  between  the  two  Courts.  They  want  to  make  a  mere 
intrigue  of  this  matter. 

7th.  Went  to  see  Hohenlohe.  He  wants  the  King  of 
Sweden,  on  the  reply  of  Spain,  to  start  for  Ostend  without 
awaiting  any  answer  from  the  emperor.  Dined  with  Polignac ; 
he  has  nothing  with  him  but  his  silver  service  and  his  cook. 
Hohenlohe  came  there ;  he  had  dragged  nothing  out  of  the 
emperor,  whom  he  saw  at  midday ;  he  told  him  all  the  tales 
and  intrigues  that  I  had  told  him  of  Calonne,  Conde\  and  the 
hatred  of  the  princes  for  Breteuil  and  the  rest  of  us ;  he  said 
the  queen  was  against  them  and  disapproved  of  them.  All 
this  he  repeated  before  Polignac.  Fortunately  he  did  not 
quote  me;  he  is  amazingly  indiscreet;  nothing  should  be 
told  to  him. 

9th.  Went  to  the  emperor  at  midday  ;  I  was  ushered  in  at 
once  before  every  one.  The  emperor  spoke  to  me  like  a  man 
decided  to  act  at  once  ;  but  results  do  not  follow  speech.  I 
cannot  understand  it.  He  seems  to  feel  the  advantage  it 
would  be  to  the  tranquillity  of  the  Low  Countries,  Normandy, 
and  the  Mouth  of  the  Seine  to  have  the  Swedish  and  Eus- 
sian  troops  land  at  Ostend ;  in  fact,  it  was  he  who  said  so  to 
me. 

10th.  Dined  at  Court ;  one  hundred  and  four  persons  at 
table ;  not  very  magnificent.  The  emperor  told  me  he  had 
received  a  letter  from  the  queen  through  Mercy,  asking  that 
the  Powers  should  act,  but  cautiously,  and  without  the 
princes  ;  she  said  she  feared  —  as  we  supposed  —  that  the 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  135 

Assembly  was  alarmed  and  had  decided  to  do  something  and 
employ  force,  and  was  about  to  issue  orders.  I  said :  "  Your 
Majesty,  it  would  be  well  to  frighten  it."  •  No,  no,"  he  re- 
plied, "  we  must  act." 

Went  to  a  ball  and  concert  at  Czemin's;  superb;  house 
magnificent,  a  perfect  palace ;  eight  hundred  persons  at  sup- 
per at  little  tables.  The  empress  spoke  to  me  very  well. 
The  Archduchess  Marianne,  who  is  abbess  here,  told  the  am- 
bassadress of  Spain  that  her  father  talked  well,  but  she  feared 
he  would  do  nothing. 

13th.  Went  to  the  ball  at  Kolowrath's  at  half-past  eight. 
Talked  with  the  emperor. 

Emperor.  I  received  your  paper,  and  I  think  it  very 
good. 

Fersen.  I  thought  that  it  expressed  the  result  of  the  views 
of  Y.  M.  and  all  that  you  did  me  the  honour  to  say  to  me. 

Emperor.     Yes,  yes  ;  perfectly  right. 

Fersen.  I  believe  that  a  congress  unsupported  by  troops 
will  have  no  effect ;  the  object  is  to  awe  them. 

Emperor.  Yes,  yes,  no  doubt ;  and  I  have  already  given 
orders  for  two  regiments  of  cavalry  and  several  battalions  to 
march  to  the  Brisgau ;  the  requisitions  will  be  sent  at  once ; 
that  will  have  an  effect ;  and  the  recall  of  the  ambassadors 
will  have  more. 

Fersen.  I  am  told  that  Y.  M.  has  received  the  answer  of 
the  Empress  of  Russia. 

Emperor.  Yes,  but  not  the  one  by  my  courier.  The  letter 
of  the  empress  is  good ;  she  proposes  a  congress,  the  recall  of 
the  ambassadors,  and  a  declaration  of  the  stoppage  of  all 
communications  and  commerce  with  France. 

Fersen.  Yes,  but  that  concerns  only  the  maritime  Powers. 
England  might  do  it,  and  that  is  another  reason  why  she 
should  be  pledged  to  neutrality. 


136  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE   OF  [cuap.  v. 

Emperor.  Yes,  yes,  I  understand ;  it  would  be  very  ad- 
vantageous to  her,  and  have  a  great  effect  on  the  commerce 
of  France  and  on  the  financiers. 

Fersen.  What  would  really  have  a  great  effect  in  the 
king's  favour  would  be  the  ability  to  reassure  the  country  as 
to  bankruptcy ;  at  any  rate  as  to  that  of  the  annuities  [rentes 
viageres~\  and  the  redemption  of  assignats.  He  would  then 
have  on  his  side  all  the  capitalists  and  bankers ;  it  is  they 
who  made  the  revolution  or  helped  to  consolidate  it ;  they 
are  very  much  dissatisfied ;  they  fear  bankruptcy ;  and  I  am 
certain  that  if  they  are  reassured  as  to  that  they  will  be  for 
the  king. 

Emperor.  Yes,  but  that  is  very  difficult ;  and  if  the  bank- 
ruptcy occurs  it  will  be  general. 

Fersen.  I  do  not  think  the  operation  so  difficult.  At  the 
time  the  king  left  Paris,  his  project  was  to  begin  by  reassur- 
ing the  country  as  to  the  payment  of  the  annuities  in  full  by 
reducing  the  agiotage  [traffic  with  the  public  funds]  and  the 
onerous  loans  to  a  reasonable  rate ;  also,  when  returning  to  the 
clergy  their  property  to  saddle  it  with  paying  off  the  assi- 
gnats ;  this  was  possible,  and  their  property  would  still  have 
been  sufficient  to  furnish  several  millions ;  but  the  Assembly 
can  never  derive  as  much  from  it. 

Emperor.  Oh !  I  know  that ;  for  this  very  day  I  have  a 
parallel  affair  in  a  convent  reformed  by  the  late  emperor  :  in 
order  to  give  eight  or  nine  old  women  pensions  amounting  to 
six  thousand  florins  there  is  a  cost  of  eleven  thousand  florins 
in  administrating  the  property ;  it  is  bad  economy.  That  idea 
of  the  king  was  very  good,  and  would  have  had  great  effect. 

Fersen.  Would  Your  Majesty,  in  consequence  of  the 
empress's  letter,  decide  about  the  king's  troops  and  the  port 
of  Ostend  ? 

Emperor.    I  must  wait  for  another  courier,  which  the 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  137 

empress  informs  me  will  arrive  in  two  or  three  days,  giving 
me  in  detail  what  she  intends  to  send.  I  imagine  that  she 
wants'  to  concert  about  that  with  the  King  of  Sweden,  and 
let  me  know  the  result. 

Fcrsen.  It  is  important  that  the  matter  be  decided  as 
quickly  as  possible,  for  the  season  is  advancing,  and  if  the 
troops  do  not  start  this  autumn,  they  cannot  arrive  before 
June  or  July  of  next  year. 

Emperor.  Yes,  yes,  I  understand ;  it  would  be  better  if 
they  were  there ;  no  harm  will  come  of  that ;  and  if  they  are 
there,  there  will  be  no  waiting  for  them. 

He  seemed  to  agree  with  me  about  it,  and  to  desire  to  act. 
Were  he  alone  it  might  be  done ;  but  he  has  not  the  force 
to  resist  his  council ;  Baron  Spielmann  and  the  others  are 
against  it.  Nevertheless,  the  conversation  gave  me  some 
hope. 

16th.  Count  Coblentz  tells  me  that  the  answer  of  the  Em- 
press of  Russia  is  very  favourable ;  she  encourages  the  emperor 
to  act.  As  to  Ostend,  he  told  me  that  vessels  of  war  cannot 
enter  that  port ;  the  merchantmen  are  obliged  to  wait  for  the 
tide,  and  when  it  is  low  they  lie  on  their  sides ;  that  the  sea- 
son was  far  too  advanced  to  send  troops  this  year ;  moreover, 
we  must  know  what  England  and  Holland  would  say  to 
the  arrival  of  a  fleet  in  that  port.  —  I  see  clearly  that  they 
are  dragging  things  along  purposely  to  prevent  the  King  of 
Sweden  from  sending  troops  this  year ;  they  fear  his  activity, 
and  also  that  he  may  command  in  person;  they  want  to 
avoid  acting,  or  else  to  act  alone  if  it  becomes  necessary. 
Nothing  is  being  done ;  the  requisitions  have  not  been  sent, 
although  they  assure  me  the  troops  are  to  march  at  once. 

They  are  all  agreed  that  the  congress  must  be  an  armed 
one;  but  they  are  losing  time  awaiting  replies  and  doing 
nothing  positive.     The  emperor  is  inclined  to  act,  and  wishes 


138  DIARY  AND   CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  v. 

it,  but  his  ministry  hold  him  back.  He  is  afraid ;  he  feels 
about  him ;  he  does  not  venture  to  act,  and  the  work  will  be 
harder  in  the  end.  —  He  hopes  to  gain  all  by  getting  over  the 
winter.  —  My  conversation  with  Count  Coblentz  has  made  me 
lose  heart.  I  see  a  well-formed  plan  to  do  only  trifling 
things  during  the  winter ;  to  try  to  patch  up  matters  for  the 
time  being,  and  not  to  act  until  spring,  and  not  then  unless 
it  is  absolutely  necessary.  This  is  very  shameful  and  dread- 
ful towards  the  queen. 

17th.  Keceived  a  despatch  from  Sweden.  It  seems  that 
the  empress  will  act  only  indirectly ;  this  will  delay  opera- 
tions very  much,  and  all  hopes  of  acting  this  year  is  lost 
for  the  king  [of  Sweden] .  The  assembling  of  the  congress 
and  the  preliminary  declarations  will  take  all  winter;  we 
shall  be  lucky  if  we  obtain  the  right  to  support  it  with 
troops. 

18th.  Prince  Hohenlohe  came  to  see  me  this  evening. 
He  had  talked  a  long  time  with  Baron  Spielmann,  who  told 
him  that  the  emperor  would  raise  the  number  of  his  troops 
in  the  Low  Countries  to  fifty-eight  or  sixty  thousand  men, 
that  he  could  then  act  with  thirty,  or  thirty-two  thousand  of 
them ;  but  first,  he  must  await  the  reply  of  England.  He 
added  that  an  army  would  be  raised  from  the  German  States ; 
that  the  intention  was  not  to  form  tetes-d' armies  to  support 
the  congress  ;  that  the  first  thing  necessary  was  to  know  what 
reply  the  King  of  France  would  make  about  sanctioning  the 
Constitution ;  if  he  accepts  it,  there  will  be  difficulty  in  act- 
ing; there  will  then  be  new  inquiries  to  make  of  all  the 
Courts,  to  know  if  they  recognize  the  sanction  of  the  king  as 
free  or  compulsory ;  that  it  would  be  only  after  all  this  that 
any  action  could  be  taken ;  that  the  season  was  already  too 
late,  and  nothing  could  be  undertaken  till  the  spring. 

21st.     Saw  the  emperor.    Communicated  the  reply  of  Eng- 


1    ttrur. 


^^^es   <m~£z€6€tt>e<f<Jes  se&-  yjy^c^^z^t^' 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FE&SEN.  139 

land.  He  thought  it  good.  Was  of  my  opinion  on  every- 
thing, and  sent  me  away  as  soon  as  possible.  The  whole 
matter  embarrasses  and  annoys  him.  He  told  me  that  the 
King  of  Prussia  writes  to  him  to  place  no  confidence  in 
Prince  Hohenlohe,  who  is  not  charged  with  any  mission. 
Never  have  I  seen  an  affair  conducted  as  this  has  been  !  I 
am  not  surprised  that  it  goes  so  badly. 

25th.  News  that  the  king  [of  France]  has  sanctioned  the 
Constitution.  —  There  are  terrible  intrigues  at  the  Court  here, 
as  everywhere.  The  Archduchesses  Theresa  and  Marianne  are 
strongly  for  France;  the  empress  and  all  the  sub-orders 
against  it ;  the  emperor  is  weak  and  indiscreet.  All  sorts 
of  tales  are  told  of  the  French,  many  invented.  The  arch- 
duchess in  Brussels  writes  against  them.  The  emperor  tells 
all  this.  They  say  that  the  queen  is  letting  Barnave  lead 
her ;  that  she  holds  back  the  emperor ;  that  she  is  against 
the  princes.    All  goes  ill. 

26th.  Took  leave  of  the  emperor;  he  agreed  that  the 
King  of  France  was  not  free ;  that  it  was  necessary  to  insist 
on  his  liberty ;  that  it  was  fortunate  he  had  sanctioned  the 
Constitution  without  restrictions,  as  that  showed  it  was  under 
compulsion.  In  the  evening  he  said  to  another  person  that, 
now  that  the  king  had  sanctioned  the  Constitution,  there  was 
nothing  more  to  be  done !    This  is  just  what  I  feared. 

28th.  Started  at  five  o'clock  in  the  evening,  enchanted  to 
get  away. 

Coblentz,  October  3d.  Eeached  Coblentz  at  five  o'clock. 
Went  to  the  princes.  They  said  they  had  excellent  news ; 
march  of  Austrians  and  Prussians  to  the  number  of  twelve 
thousand  men,  etc.,  etc.  I  denied  it  all,  and  they  would 
hardly  believe  me.  The  crowd  of  French  officers  at  Coblentz 
is  enormous  and  alarming ;  they  arrive  more  than  ever,  by 
hundreds ;  even  bourgeois  are  among  them.     The  princes  are 

Ver.  8  10  Mem. 


140  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  v. 

forming  corps,  restoring  red  companies,  etc.  Marshal  de 
Broglie  is  living  here.  The  princes  have  a  numerous  Court ; 
the  intrigues  diabolical.  The  princes  dined  at  nine  o'clock ; 
there  was  much  company.  Everybody  came  to  ask  me  for 
news  ;  which  I  did  not  give  them,  to  their  astonishment.  I 
started  after  dinner  and  slept  at  Andernach;  I  gave  the 
difficulty  of  finding  lodgings  as  an  excuse  for  getting  away. 
The  follies  that  this  assemblage  may  commit  are  incalcu- 
lable. When  they  have  spent  all  their  money  they  had 
much  better  be  in  France.  The  Prince  of  Nassau  keeps 
them  in  great  state ;  the  empress  gave  them  two  millions. 

Brussels,  6  th.  Reached  Brussels  at  six  in  the  morning. 
Saw  Mercy  ;  the  queen  writes  to  him  that  the  king  must  go 
a  little  by  the  Constitution ;  the  princes  must  be  checked ; 
she  asks  for  the  calling  of  a  congress,  the  pretext  to  be 
Avignon.  Mercy  thinks  a  congress  useless  at  this  moment ; 
for  he  does  not  see  what  it  would  find  to  do ;  it  cannot  give 
the  lie  to  the  king  as  to  the  Constitution.  I  proved  to  him 
its  utility,  and  the  necessity  of  some  ostensible  step  being 
taken  in  order  to  check  the  princes.  He  agreed  to  suggest 
to  the  emperor  to  ask  for  its  announcement  at  once ;  and 
also  for  the  selection  of  place  and  members,  —  the  object 
to  be  Avignon.  He  spoke  very  well;  but  thought  that 
nothing  could  be  done  (the  king  having  accepted  the 
Constitution)  except  to  wait  until  the  new  legislature 
committed  follies  which  would  give  the  Powers  a  pretext 
for  interfering. 

7th.  The  princes  sent  Cazales  and  Burke's  son  to  per- 
suade Baron  de  Breteuil  to  go  to  Coblentz;  he  refused. 
Quantities  of  Frenchmen  here ;  they  pass  the  frontier  by  the 
fifties  daily.  The  Due  d'Uzes  is  their  leader  in  Brussels. 
They  are  all  mad. 

15th.     Du  Moustier  passed  through  and  saw  the  Baron  de 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  141 

Breteuil.  He  said  that  the  King  of  Prussia  in  a  conversa- 
tion he  had  with  him  (in  which  he  asked  H.  M.  what  he  was 
to  say  to  the  king  [of  France]  as  to  his  intentions)  answered, 
laying  his  hand  on  his  sword,  that  he  would  help  him  with 
all  his  forces ;  that  he  was  ready,  but  the  emperor  stopped 
him ;  that  he  would  march  50,000  men  if  the  emperor  would 
march  as  many;  that  he  was  keeping  12,000  men  on  a  war 
footing  ready  to  march  at  once,  and  the  rest  should  follow. 
Du  Moustier  having  told  him  that  he  had  a  plan  of  finance 
by  which  to  bring  coin  back  to  France  and  save  the  king 
all  embarrassments  as  to  money,  but  in  order  to  do  this  he 
needed  a  credit  of  one  hundred  millions  in  ecus,  and  hoped 
to  obtain  it  from  him,  the  king  replied  that  if  the  money 
were  wanted  for  that  object  he  would  lend  it  to  the  king  on 
sufficient  security  and  fixed  dates  for  repayment. 

Baron  de  Breteuil  represented  to  him  that  he  ought  not  to 
speak  of  that  project  until  the  king  recovered  full  power. 
He  agreed,  and  seemed  decided  to  serve  him ;  but  he,  du 
Moustier,  is  a  rascal  on  whom  no  great  dependence  should 
be  placed. 

18th.  La  Marck  arrived ;  I  went  there ;  he  made  me  an 
apology  for  his  conduct,  saying  that  he  had  done  nothing 
except  with  a  view  to  serve  the  king ;  that  was  the  motive 
of  his  intimacy  with  Mirabeau ;  he  said  that  in  the  month  of 
October,  1789,  he  had  made  Mirabeau  make  the  plan  for  the 
counter-revolution ;  that  he  had  seen  Monsieur  clandestinely, 
and  had  read  and  given  the  plan  to  him ;  that  the  basis  of 
this  plan  was  the  king's  departure  for  Beauvais.  He  said 
shocking  things  of  the  French  nation.  He  has  bought  a 
house  here ;  he  will  not  be  looked  upon  favourably ;  but  if 
he  gives  good  dinners  every  one  will  go  to  them. 

23d.  Mercy  gave  me  a  letter  from  the  queen;  he  de- 
ciphered to  me  four  or  five  lines. 


142  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  v. 

29th.  Saw  the  Princesse  de  Lamballe,  who  started  to 
return  to  Paris. 

November  13th.  M.  de  Mercy  now  says  that  he  thinks  the 
emperor  will  accept  the  congress,  and  that  this  is  the  result 
of  the  conduct  of  Sweden  and  Eussia.  On  the  other  hand, 
they  sent  me  word  from  Vienna  that  the  emperor  will  do 
nothing,  and  I  believe  it.  The  Duke  of  York  says  that  the 
King  of  Prussia  is  sincerely  for  us,  but  that  he  cannot  act 
without  the  emperor ;  and  the  duke  thinks  the  latter  means 
to  do  nothing. 

15th.  The  King  of  France  has  not  sanctioned  the  decree 
against  the  emigres  ;  he  used  his  veto.  This  has  caused  agita- 
tion ;  evil  minds  are  exciting  the  populace.  The  king  will 
lose  in  this  way  the  little  popularity  that  he  has,  and  will 
be  again  where  he  was  in  April ;  they  may  prevent  him  from 
riding  on  horseback  ;  great  commotions  are  expected  in  Paris, 
and  a  crisis.  Lafayette  will  be  mayor  through  the  ascen- 
dency of  the  Guard,  which,  being  unable  to  have  him  as 
general,  is  determined  to  have  it  thus.  He  will  then  have 
great  and  very  dangerous  power.  Letters  from  Paris  are 
terrifying;  the  newspapers  are  as  incendiary  as  ever,  and 
point  to  the  probable  flight  of  the  king  in  order  to  inspire 
distrust.  The  "Journal  G^ne'ral,"  published  by  the  Abbe" 
Fontenay,  an  aristocrat,  says  frightful  things  against  Breteuil, 
Mercy,  and  Thugut,  and  warns  them  not  to  attempt  the  flight 
of  the  king.  This  article  was  certainly  written  in  Coblentz. 
It  is  abominable ! 

18  th.     Finished  my  great  letter  to  the  queen. 

20th.  Went  to  Mercy.  He  gave  me  a  letter  from  the 
queen ;  they  are  very  unhappy,  but  wish  to  act. 

December  6th.  M.  Luisey  has  arrived  from  Berlin.  Says 
the  emperor  has  written  to  Prussia  and  Eussia  to  prevent 
them  from  doing  anything;  that  he  wants  to  ally  himself 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  143 

with  Prussia  and  Holland  and  invite  England  to  join  them 
— which  she  will  not  do;  that  Prussia  is  very  right  towards 
France,  but  will  not  act  without  the  emperor. 

10th.  Baron  de  Viomesnil,  a  poor  negotiator,  is  going  to 
Cologne  and  Coblentz  to  commission  the  Marquis  de  Castries 
to  be  the  king's  man  in  the  council  of  the  princes.  A  false 
step.  The  queen  is  now  very  sorry  to  have  sent  him ;  my 
letter  arrived  too  late  to  prevent  it.  He  came  to  see  me  this 
morning ;  I  was  tempted  to  prevent  his  going  on,  but  I  dared 
not,  because  they  would  have  thought  it  was  by  agreement 
with  Baron  de  Breteuil,  whom  they  would  then  have  accused 
of  getting  rid  of  every  one  in  order  to  have  sole  control  him- 
self of  affairs.  In  the  conference  I  had  with  Viomesnil  at 
Breteuil's  house  I  proposed  changes  in  what  the  former  was 
to  say,  which  weakened  his  commission  and  made  it  as  little 
important  as  possible.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  Castries  will 
not  agree  to  go.  Viomesnil  wished,  not  being  able  to  agree, 
that  Calonne  should  go  away.  I  opposed  it,  ostensibly 
under  pretext  that  it  would  be  dangerous  in  view  of  the 
nobles,  but  really  because  the  king  would  then  be  obliged  to 
correspond  directly  with  the  princes,  which  he  cannot  do 
without  compromising  himself,  because  of  their  indiscretion. 
There  is  no  danger;  they  cannot  act  without  the  Northern 
Powers ;  and  it  is  better  to  let  them  be  guided  by  them. 


144  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  vi. 


CHAPTER   VI. 

1791.  Correspondence  of  Queen  Marie- Antoinette  with  Count  Fersen.  — 
Official  Letters  of  the  same  Period,  showing  the  vain  Efforts  employed  to 
induce  the  Powers  to  act  in  behalf  of  the  King  of  France  and  his  Family. 

[Duking  the  time  already  noted  in  the  Diary,  letters  were 
passing  between  Queen  Marie-Antoinette  and  Count  Fersen, 
in  his  capacity  of  intermediary  between  the  King  and  Queen 
of  France,  the  King  of  Sweden,  and  the  Courts  of  Europe. 
The  chief  object  of  their  hopes  and  efforts  was  to  convoke 
an  armed  congress,  to  meet  either  at  Frankfort  on  the  Main 
or  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  and  awe  by  that  means  the  National 
Assembly.  Eleven  letters  from  the  queen  and  ten  from 
Count  Fersen  in  1791  (also  seventeen  from  the  queen  and 
twenty-two  from  Fersen  in  1792)  still  exist  as  a  testimony 
to  the  count's  last  efforts  for  the  expiring  monarchy.  Nearly 
all  these  letters  were  written  in  cipher  or  with  "  white  ink  " 
—  invisible  ink  ;  sometimes  in  both.  They  were  deciphered 
and  copied  by  Count  Fersen  himself,  and  are  now  at  Stock- 
holm in  possession  of  his  family.  Among  these  papers  is  a 
memorial,  dated  November  26,  1791  (called  by  the  count  in 
the  foregoing  diary  "  my  great  letter  to  the  queen"),  in  which 
he  explains  to  her  the  political  situation  of  Europe  as  re- 
garded the  affairs  of  France,  suggests  a  plan  of  conduct  for 
the  king  and  queen,  and  advises  the  writing  by  them  of  cer- 
tain personal  letters  to  friendly  Courts  asking  them  to  guard 
Their  Majesties'  interests.     This  plan  was  adopted. 

Other  letters  of  the  same  period,  explanatory  of  current 
events,  are  here  interpersed  with  those  of  the  queen.] 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  145 

Count  Fersen  to  Queen  Marie- Antoinette. 

Brussels,  June  27,  1791. 

The  dreadful  event  which  has  just  happened  [king  and 
family  stopped  at  Varennes  and  virtually  imprisoned]  will 
change  entirely  the  course  of  affairs,  and  if  the  resolution  is 
persisted  in  to  let  others  act  (no  longer  being  able  to  act 
personally),  it  is  necessary  to  begin  the  negotiations  over 
again  and  to  give  full  powers  for  that  purpose.  The  mass  of 
Powers  who  may  be  brought  to  act  must  be  sufficiently  strong 
to  awe,  and  thus  preserve  the  precious  lives.  Here  are  ques- 
tions to  which  answers  should  be  made :  — 

1.  Is  it  desired  that  they  should  act  in  spite  of  all  prohibi- 
tions that  may  be  received  ? 

2.  Is  it  desired  to  give  the  full  powers  to  Monsieur,  or  to 
the  Comte  d'Artois  ? 

3.  Is  it  desired  that  they  shall  employ  under  them  the 
Baron  de  Breteuil,  or  do  they  consent  to  M.  de  Calonne,  or 
do  they  leave  the  choice  to  them  ? 

Here  is  the  form  for  the  full  powers :  — 

"  Being  detained  a  prisoner  in  Paris,  and  not  being  able  to 
give  the  necessary  orders  to  re-establish  order  in  my  king- 
dom, restore  to  my  subjects  happiness  and  tranquillity,  and 
recover  my  legitimate  authority,  I  charge  Monsieur,  or,  in 
default  of  him,  the  Comte  d'Artois,  to  watch  for  me  over  my 
interests  and  those  of  my  crown,  giving  him  for  this  purpose 
unlimited  powers ;  I  pledge  my  royal  word  to  keep  relig- 
iously and  without  restrictions  all  the  stipulated  engage- 
ments which  may  be  made  with  the  said  Powers ;  and  I  bind 
myself  to  ratify,  as  soon  as  I  am  at  liberty,  all  treaties,  con- 
ventions, and  other  compacts  made  by  him  with  the  different 
Powers  who  may  be  willing  to  come  to  my  defence ;  also  all 
commissions,  brevets,  and  posts  which  Monsieur  may  have 


146  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap,  yl 

thought  necessary  to  give ;  and  to  this  I  pledge  myself  on 
the  word  of  a  king.  Done  in  Paris,  this  twentieth  day  of 
June,  1791." 

This  form  should  be  written  in  white  ink  and  given  as 
soon  as  possible  to  the  person  bearing  this  letter.  As  the 
number  of  the  above  questions  has  been  kept,  the  answers 
can  be  very  brief. 

I  am  very  well  treated  here.  Your  sister  [Archduchess 
Marie-Christine]  ebstien  [?]  for  you  and  for  me. 

Queen  Marie-Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen. 

June  28,  1791. 

Be  reassured  about  us ;  we  live.  The  leaders  of  the  As- 
sembly seem  to  wish  to  be  gentle  in  their  conduct.  Speak 
to  my  relatives  of  steps  to  be  taken  outside.  If  they  are 
frightened,  we  must  compound  with  them  [il  faut  composer 
avec  eux]. 

Queen  Marie-Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen. 

June  29, 1791. 
I  exist.  .  .  .  How  uneasy  I  have  been  about  you,  and  how 
I  pity  you  for  having  no  news  of  us !  Heaven  grant  that  this 
letter  may  reach  you.  Do  not  write  to  me  ;  that  would  only 
expose  us ;  above  all,  do  not  come  here  under  any  pretext. 
It  is  known  that  it  was  you  who  took  us  out  of  here ;  all 
would  be  lost  if  you  appeared  here.  We  are  kept  in  sight 
night  and  day;  I  do  not  care.  ...  Be  easy;  nothing  will 
happen  to  me.  The  Assembly  means  to  treat  us  gently. 
Adieu.  ...  I  cannot  write  to  you  again.  .  .  . 

The  King  of  Sweden  to  Louis  XVI. 

Aix-la-Chapelle,  June  30,  1791. 

I  beg  Y.  M.  not  to  doubt  the  feelings  with  which  we  all 
share  your  misfortune.     Your  friends  will  never  abandon 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  147 

you.  Sustain  your  present  position  with  firmness,  as  you 
have  already  sustained  the  dangers  that  surround  you  ;  above 
all,  do  not  allow  them  to  degrade  the  royal  dignity  in  your 
person,  and  the  kings  will  come  to  your  support.  This  is 
the  advice  of  your  oldest  ally  and  your  most  faithful  friend. 

Powers  given  by  Louis  XVI.  to  Monsieur  and  the  Comte 

oVArtois. 

Pakis,  July  7,  1791. 

I  rely  absolutely  on  the  tenderness  of  my  brothers  for  me, 
on  their  love  and  attachment  to  their  country,  on  the  friend- 
ship of  the  sovereign  princes  my  relations  and  allies,  and  on 
the  honour  and  generosity  of  the  other  sovereigns,  to  agree 
together  as  to  the  manner  of,  and  the  means  to  be  used  for, 
negotiating,  the  object  of  which  should  tend  to  the  re-estab- 
lishment of  order  and  tranquillity  in  the  kingdom ;  but  I 
think  that  all  employment  of  force  .  .  .  1  that,  placed  be- 
hind negotiations,  I  give  all  power  to  my  brothers  to  nego- 
tiate in  that  sense  with  whom  they  will,  and  to  choose  the 
persons  to  employ  for  these  political  purposes. 

Louis. 
Queen  Marie-Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen. 

July  8, 1791. 

The  king  thinks  that  the  close  imprisonment  in  which  he 
is  held  and  the  state  of  total  degradation  to  which  the  Na- 
tional Assembly  has  reduced  royalty,  allowing  it  to  exercise 
no  action  whatever,  is  sufficiently  known  to  Foreign  powers 
to  need  no  mention  here. 

The  king  thinks  that  it  is  by  negotiations  alone  that  their 
help  can  be  useful  to  him  and  to  his  kingdom ;  that  all 
show  of  force  should  be  secondary,  and  only  in  case  all 
means  of  negotiation  be  refused  here. 

1  Whereyer  these  omissions  occur  in  the  letters  it  means  that  the  parts 
omitted  were  either  lost  or  undecipherable.  —  Tb. 


148  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  yi. 

The  king  thinks  that  open  force,  even  after  a  first  declar- 
ation, would  be  of  incalculable  danger,  not  only  to  him  and  to 
his  family,  but  even  to  all  Frenchmen  in  the  interior  of  the 
kingdom  who  do  not  think  in  agreement  with  the  revolu- 
tion. There  is  no  doubt  that  a  foreign  force  could  enter 
France,  but  the  people,  armed  as  they  are,  leaving  the  fron- 
tiers and  the  foreign  troops,  would  instantly  turn  their  arms 
against  those  of  their  co-citizens  whom  they  have  been  in- 
cessantly taught  during  the  last  two  years  to  regard  as  their 
enemies,  and  above  all.  .  .  . 

The  king  thinks  that  unlimited  full  powers  such  as  pro- 
posed, even  if  dated  on  the  20th  of  June,  would  be  danger- 
ous for  him  in  the  position  he  is  now  in.  It  is  impossible 
that  they  should  not  be  communicated ;  and  all  cabinets  are 
not  equally  discreet. 

It  is  announced  that  during  the  next  fifteen  days  the 
articles  called  constitutional  will  be  presented  to  the  king ; 
that  he  will  then  be  set  at  liberty,  and  be  left  master  of  going 
where  he  pleases,  in  order  that  he  may  decide  whether  to 
accept  them,  yes  or  no ;  but  by  keeping  his  son  in  Paris  they 
make  this  illusory.  All  that  has  been  done  during  the  last 
two  years  must  be  considered  null  as  regards  the  king's  will, 
but  impossible  to  change  so  long  as  the  majority  of  the 
nation  desire  these  novelties.  It  is  to  change  this  spirit 
that  all  our  attention  must  be  turned. 

Summary :  He  desires  that  the  captivity  of  the  king  be 
fully  stated  and  known  to  the  foreign  Powers;  he  desires 
that  the  good-will  of  his  relatives,  friends,  and  allies,  and  that 
of  other  sovereigns  who  may  wish  to  concur,  be  manifested 
by  a  species  of  congress,  at  which  the  method  of  negotiation 
shall  be  adopted,  understanding  always  that  an  imposing 
force  be  there  to  support  it,  but  always  sufficiently  in  the 
background  not  to  provoke  to  crime  and  massacre. 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  149 

It  is  important  that  the  Baron  de  Breteuil  be  united  with 
the  king's  brothers  and  with  those  they  may  select  for  these 
important  negotiations. 

The  king  does  not  think  he  ought  to  give  unlimited  powers ; 
but  he  sends  the  enclosed  paper,  written  in  white  ink,  to  be 
given  to  his  brothers.     [See  foregoing.] 

We  dare  not  answer  the  King  of  Sweden.  Be  our  inter- 
preter to  him  of  our  gratitude  and  attachment. 

The  King  of  Spain  to  the  King  of  Sweden. 

Madrid,  August  3, 1791. 

Monsieur,  my  brother  and  cousin  : 

If  things  were  still  in  the  state  in  which  they  were  six 
months  ago,  I  should  not  delay  a  moment  in  accepting  the 
plan  which  Y.  M.  has  sent  me  in  your  letter  of  July  16, 
and  in  concurring  therewith  by  every  means  in  my  power. 
But  to-day  circumstances  have  changed  so  much  that  there 
is  far  more  need  for  reflection,  prudence,  and  sagacity  than 
for  active  force  in  favour  of  Louis  XVI.  That  sovereign 
might  be  sacrificed  to  popular  fury  on  the  point  of  being 
placed  by  those  who  have  torn  his  liberty  from  him  in  a 
safe  and  free  place,  where  he  may  accept  and  sanction  the 
reformed  code  of  constitutional  laws  which  will  be  presented 
to  him,  or  else  reject  it  wholly  or  in  part.  If  that  were  to 
take  place  it  would  then  be  the  proper  time  to  sustain  him 
in  order  that  his  subjects  may  submit  to  the  modifications 
their  king  will  make  in  it  [the  Constitution] ;  and  Y.  M.  may 
count  on  my  assistance,  pecuniary  especially,  as  far  as  my 
possibilities  can  go. 

Meantime  it  would  be  useless  to  undertake  a  war  against 
a  nation  enthusiastic  for  its  apparent  liberty  and  seduced 
against  its  monarch,  and  the  life  of  that  prince  would  be  ex- 
posed to  the  greatest  dangers.    Armed  conquerors,  whoever 


150  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap,  vl 

they  be,   can  only  possess  the  territory  they  occupy;   the 

people  and  the  misled  multitude  being  their  enemies,  they 

must  exterminate  them  and  ruin  the  country.1     Time  must 

be  given  to  clear  understanding,  after  all  that  has  been  lost 

without  my  yet  obtaining  a  clear  answer  from  the  Powers  to 

whom  I  disclosed  my  intentions.     I  formed  a  plan  according 

to  the  circumstances  of  the  month  of  April  when  there  was, 

even  then,  few  resources;  I  communicated  it,  but  I  have 

been  unable  to  learn  any  result.     At  present,  the  plan  of 

escape  of  the  Very  Christian  King  having  failed,  and  the 

general  aversion  of  the  French  for  monarchy  being  still  more 

heated  than  in  the  beginning,  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to 

await  calmness  and  the  effects  of  negotiation  for  his  liberty, 

and  the  re-establishment  of  his  power. 

It  is  thus  that  I  understand  the  matter,  and  say  it  plainly 

to  Y.  M.,  whose  ideas  in  themselves,  even  if  they  be  not 

realized,  will  obtain  for  you  an  immortal  glory  and  make 

you  worthy  of  eternal  gratitude,  not  only  from  the  Bourbons, 

but  from  all  the  sovereigns  and  even  from  humanity  itself 

ever  interested  in  the  maintenance  of  society  and  legitimate 

authority.     I  forestall  them  to  thank  Y.  M.  in  their  name, 

and  to  assure  you  of  the  constant  and  cordial  friendship  with 

which  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  Monsieur,  my  brother  and 

cousin, 

Your  Majesty's  good  brother,  cousin,  and  friend, 

Chaeles  (IV). 

After  writing  this  letter,  I  have  received  one  from  the 
emperor,  in  which  he  expresses  ideas  that  agree  with  ours.  I 
beg  Y.  M.  to  come  to  an  understanding  and  concert  with  H. 
I.  M.,  to  whom  I  will  propose  and  request  the  same. 

1  This  autograph  letter  is  translated  literally  as  it  stands  in  the  French  ; 
the  wording  is  obscure,  though  the  meaning  is  tolerably  plain.  Royal  per- 
sonages were  very  deficient  in  the  art  of  writing  —  and  spelling.  —  Tr. 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  151 

The  King  of  Sweden  to  Count  Fersen. 

Dbottningholm,  August  6, 1791. 

M.  de  Calonne  arrived  the  day  after  your  departure  [for 
Vienna].  I  had  a  conversation  of  four  hours  with  him,  the 
details  of  which  would  be  too  long  and  useless  to  send  to 
you.  The  news  from  England  alone  seems  to  me  important. 
He  brings  a  letter  from  the  King  of  England  to  the  princes, 
in  answer  to  one  which  Comte  d'Artois  wrote  to  him.  The 
King  of  England  expresses  himself  with  the  utmost  feeling 
about  the  affairs  of  France.  As  to  succour,  M.  de  Calonne 
announces  none.  Nevertheless,  he  let  it  be  seen  that  the 
king  and  even  the  Prince  of  Wales  (who  on  this  point  agrees 
with  his  father)  give  some  hopes  of  Hanoverian  troops.  But 
M.  de  Calonne  positively  assured  me  that  the  King  of  Eng- 
land, and  even  Mr.  Pitt  promise  the  strictest  neutrality,  and 
the  latter  added  that  if  he  took  part  in  the  cause  of  the 
princes,  it  would  do  harm,  because  the  Opposition  would 
take  the  contrary  view,  and  it  was  therefore  more  useful  to 
the  good  of  the  thing  that  the  King  of  England  should  be 
neutral.  This  language  seems  to  me  that  of  truth,  and  if  the 
English  disposition  is  really  such  our  emissary  will  have  no 
trouble  in  passing. 

Postscript :  Since  writing  the  above  I  have  received  letters 
from  Petersburg  in  which  they  tell  me  that  the  first  news  of 
the  disaster  of  the  King  of  France  made  the  greatest  impres- 
sion on  the  empress.  She  received  the  news  in  the  midst  of 
the  f£te  which  was  given  on  the  anniversary  of  her  succes- 
sion. The  Prince  of  Nassau  is  working  with  all  his  strength 
to  obtain  succour ;  but  neither  my  despatch  to  Baron  Stedingk 
[Swedish  ambassador  to  Russia]  nor  my  memorial,  sent  July 
6  from  Aix,  had  arrived  before  the  departure  of  the  letters. 
You  know  already  that  the  empress  has  surmounted  all 


152  DIARY  AND   CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  vi. 

obstacles,  and  the  allies  have  yielded  everything  to  her. 
This,  joined  to  the  victories  won  by  the  Eussians  in  the 
Caucasus  over  the  grand-vizier,  make  peace  almost  certain. 
That  will  give  Eussia  more  ability  to  aid  France.  Neverthe- 
less, it  seems  to  me  essential  that  you  should  engage  the  em- 
peror to  warmly  promote  the  success  of  my  negotiation  with 
Eussia.  .  .  .  that  the  orders  given  to  the  ambassador  from, 
Sweden  in  Paris.  .  .  .  she  tells  me  she  will  write  to  Vienna 
to  induce  the  emperor  to  give  the  same  to  his  minister  in 
Paris.  I  think  it  necessary  that  you  should  know  all  these 
circumstances,  so  as  to  compare  them  with  the  notions  which 
you  yourself  obtain  in  Vienna,  and  regulate  your  proceedings 
accordingly. 

Your  very  affectionate 

Gustavus. 

Count  Fersen  to  the  King  of  Sweden. 

Vienna,  August  17, 1791. 

The  emperor  is  still  awaiting  the  answer  from  Spain.  H. 
I.  M.  seems  to  be  less  doubtful  of  the  good  inclinations  of 
the  King  of  Spain  and  his  willingness  to  act  than  of  his 
means  and  the  possibility  of  making  them  effective.  The 
answer  of  England,  though  not  positive,  seems  to  him  good. 
He  does  not  doubt  the  sentiments  of  Y.  M.  and  the  Empress 
of  Eussia ;  but  he  does  not  seem  well  assured  of  the  sincerity 
of  those  of  the  King  of  Prussia ;  he  thinks  there  is  more 
demonstration  of  eagerness  than  of  will  to  act.  He  told  me 
that  the  king  seemed  to  wish  to  be  reimbursed  for  his  out- 
lays, and  to  know  how  and  by  whom  it  would  be  done ;  and 
the  emperor  fears  he  will  ask  to  be  put  in  possession  of  some 
lien  on  lands  [hypothe'que'],  which  later  he  could  not  be 
made  to  give  up.  This  does  not  agree  with  what  M. 
Bischoffswerder  [envoy  of  the  King  of  Prussia  to  settle 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  153 

terms  of  treaty  with  the  emperor]  told  me  on  the  evening 
before  his  departure.  He  repeated  to  me  how  much  his 
master  desired  the  emperor  to  act,  and  for  that  purpose  he 
was  keeping  on  a  war  footing  the  corps  of  Prince  Hohenlohe, 
the  garrison  of  Magdebourg,  and  the  troops  in  Westphalia. 
As  for  the  reimbursement  of  the  outlay  such  an  expedition 
would  occasion,  the  object,  he  said,  was  in  itself  too  impor- 
tant for  such  considerations  to  stop  it  or  delay  it,  and  the 
treaty  which  had  just  been  signed  ought  to  reassure  the 
emperor  as  to  the  intentions  of  his  master. 

It  seems  it  has  not,  for  the  emperor  has  again  told  me 
that  when  he  has  seen  the  King  of  Prussia  and  heard  from 
himself  what  he  thinks,  he  will  take  a  definite  course. 
This  reply  induces  me  to  go  to  Prague,  so  that  I  may  the 
sooner  get  a  positive  answer  and  know  definitively  what  the 
emperor  means  to  do.  He  seems  to  me  in  opposition  to  his 
ministry,  which  makes  delays  and  wants  to  wait  before 
doing  anything  for  the  action  of  the  National  Assembly 
about  the  Constitution,  and  the  reply  that  the  King  of  France 
may  make  to  it.  I  have  endeavoured  to  show  them  how 
illusory  all  that  is,  how  necessary  it  is  for  the  success  of  the 
operation  not  to  lose  time,  and  how  useful,  even  from  their 
point  of  view,  a  demonstration  of  force  would  be  in  making 
the  Assembly  more  tractable.  As  soon  as  the  emperor  has 
had  his  interview  with  the  King  of  Prussia  I  hope  to  send 
Y.  M.  his  definitive  answer. 

The  King  of  Sweden  to  Count  Fersen. 

Deottningholm,  August,  23,  1791. 
I  send  you  inclosed  several  extracts  from  despatches  re- 
lating to  the  affairs  of  France.    You  will  see  the  necessity 
of  urging  the  Empress  of  Eussia  through  the  emperor.     I 
add  nothing  more  at  this  time,  because  I  hope  to  have  let- 


154  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         tcHAP.  VI. 

ters  from  you  by  the  next  post  making  plain  the  intentions 
of  the  emperor.  By  the  news  from  France,  I  see  that  the 
Constitution  will  soon  be  ready  to  be  presented  to  the  king. 
It  would  be  very  fortunate  if  the  king  could  be  induced  to 
refuse  all  answer,  on  the  ground  of  his  captivity.  He  would 
risk  nothing,  because  it  is  notorious  that  they  dare  not  attack 
his  person  from  fear  of  the  foreign  powers ;  and  he  would 
thereby  greatly  strengthen  the  efforts  of  his  friends. 
If  you  still  have  communication  with  him,  give  him  that 
necessary  advice. 

Baron  Taube  has  arrived  and  gives  me  the  best  assurance 
of  the  firmness  of  the  princes  in  not  entering  upon  any 
negotiations.  They  have  written  to  the  empress  by  M. 
de  .  .  .  that  the  Prince  of  Nassau  had  amused  them  with 
words  of  consolation  from  Her  Majesty.  I  think  it  is  very 
necessary  to  warm  up  the  empress  in  their  favour,  and  you 
would  do  well  to  talk  with  the  Eussian  ambassador  in 
Vienna  about  the  affairs  of  France,  in  order  that  he  may 
write  about  them  to  the  empress.  That  princess  is  a 
woman  who  will  never  have  a  moment's  peace  until  she 
obtains  what  she  wants. 

On  which,  I  pray  God  to  have  you,  Count  Fersen,  in  his 

holy  keeping,  being 

Your  very  affectionate 

Gustavus. 

The  King  of  Sweden  to  Count  Fersen. 

The  little  castle  of  Haga, 
September  8,  1791. 

I  have  received  to-day  an  answer  to  my  letter  to  the  King 
of  England,  of  which  I  send  you  a  copy ;  as  a  mark  of  the  con- 
fidence I  like  to  show  to  the  emperor,  I  request  you  to  show 
it  to  him.     You  will  see  that  the  King  of  England  expresses 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  155 

himself  in  a  positive  manner  about  the  neutrality  he  is  re- 
solved to  hold  as  to  the  affairs  of  France;  and  when  one 
considers  the  peculiar  position  of  that  king  in  view  of  the 
spirit  of  his  people  and  the  British  constitution,  the  resent- 
ment he  has  a  right  to  retain  concerning  the  war  in  America, 
and  the  jealous  feelings  of  the  English  against  their  former 
rival  in  greatness,  it  seems  to  me  that  we  can  hardly  look 
for  anything  more  favourable  or  more  positive  than  this 
letter  of  H.  Britannic  M.  announces.  And  if  to  that  one 
adds  (with  regard  to  Sweden)  that  the  King  of  England,  by 
declaring  himself  neutral,  puts  himself  in  the  position  of  not 
being  able  to  refuse  entrance  to  his  ports  of  Swedish  vessels, 
if  forced  by  accidents  to  take  refuge  there  (the  old  treaties, 
especially  that  of  1662,  always  recognized  as  subsisting 
between  the  two  nations,  give  us  positive  rights  as  to  this), 
you  will  see  that  the  words  of  the  King  of  England's  letter 
express  more  than  appears  at  first  sight. 

I  think  that  the  emperor  will  judge  the  matter  in  the  same 
light,  and  being  thus  assured  of  the  intentions  of  the  King  of 
Prussia  and  those  of  the  King  of  England,  he  will  feel  the 
necessity  of  hastening  operations.  The  position  of  the 
King  and  Queen  of  France  is  too  cruel  for  them  to  be  able  to 
bear  it  much  longer ;  the  season  is  advancing ;  prompt  meas- 
ures are  absolutely  necessary,  especially  for  the  Northern 
Powers.  The  Empress  of  Russia,  being  now  delivered  from 
all  the  embarrassments  of  the  Turkish  war,  will  be  able  to 
second  efficaciously  the  efforts  of  the  other  crowns,  and  her 
grandeur  of  soul  joined  to  the  high  regard  she  feels  for  the 
emperor,  will  no  doubt  bring  her  to  adopt  the  measures 
necessary  for  concurrence ;  still,  I  think  it  is  essential  that 
the  emperor  should  urge  her  vigorously,  and  I  charge  you  to 
speak  of  this  to  H.  I.  M.  when  you  communicate  to  him  the 
letter  of  the  King  of  England. 

Ver.  8  11  Mem. 


156  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OP  [chap.  vi. 

I  flatter  myself  that  the  emperor  will  recognize  in  all  this 
the  zeal  and  friendship  which  inspire  me  for  him  and  for  the 
safety  of  the  queen  his  sister,  and  his  brother-in-law  the 
king. 

Your  very  affectionate 

Gustavus. 

The  King  of  England  to  the  King  of  Sweden. 

St.  James,  August  13,  1791. 

Monsieur,  my  brother  and  cousin : 

In  consequence  of  the  friendly  letter  that  I  have  just 
received  from  Y.  M.,  I  profit  by  this  opportunity  to  testify 
how  sensible  I  am  to  the  assurances  you  give  me  of  your 
esteem  and  personal  friendship.  It  will  always  give  me  true 
pleasure  to  cultivate  those  feelings  as  well  as  to  preserve  and 
increase  the  good  understanding  which  has  so  long  and  so 
happily  existed  between  our  States. 

My  conduct  in  relation  to  the  troubles  which  agitate  the 
kingdom  of  France  has  been  guided  by  the  principles  of  a 
strict  and  perfect  neutrality,  and  never,  in  any  of  the 
occasions  which  have  arisen,  have  I  departed  from  that  system. 
I  am  far  from  wishing  to  involve  myself  in  the  internal 
affairs  of  that  kingdom  in  order  to  profit  by  this  crucial 
moment,  or  obtain  advantages  which  circumstances  might 
offer  to  me.  As  a  result  of  the  same  principles  I  intend  to 
take  no  part  in  the  measures  which  the  other  Powers  of 
Europe  may  see  fit  to  adopt  in  this  matter,  neither  to  second 
them,  nor  to  oppose  them.  The  wishes  I  form  in  this  affair 
tend  solely  to  the  welfare  of  Their  Very  Christian  Majesties 
and  their  subjects,  and  to  the  restoration  of  public  order  and 
tranquillity  in  a  kingdom  so  adjacent  to  my  own  States 
and  with  which  my  subjects  have  relations  of  friendship 
and  commerce. 

I  shall  see  with  pleasure  all  events  that  may  contribute  to 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  157 

such  important  results;  and  if  the  new  order  of  things 
appears  to  present  consequences  which  might  affect  the 
interests  of  my  subjects,  I  shall  feel  no  difficulty  in  express- 
ing myself  ultimately  on  the  subject  in  the  frankest  manner 
to  the  different  Powers  of  Europe  with  whom  I  have  the 
happiness  to  live  in  peace  and  a  good  understanding.  I  beg 
Y.  M.  to  be  convinced  of  the  friendship  and  high  considera- 
tion with  which  I  am,  Monsieur,  my  brother  and  cousin, 
Your  Majesty's 

good  brother,  cousin,  friend,  and  neighbour, 

George  E. 

Baron  Taube  to  Comte  Fersen.1 

Drottningholm,  September  9, 1791. 
I  received  your  letter  of  August  20  this  morning,  my  dear 
friend;  it  is  very  curious  that  the  reflections  which  you 
make  in  the  cipher  part  of  your  letter  as  to  the  reasons  of 
the  emperor's  slowness  I  had  already  said  to  the  king  some 
days  ago.  I  do  not  doubt  that  the  former  is  jealous  of  the 
king's  success  and  of  the  reputation  he  has  won ;  he  will  be 
still  more  so  when  he  learns  that  the  empress  refers  herself 
to  him  and  to  his  decision  relatively  to  the  affairs  of  France, 
and  relies  on  him  for  the  execution  of  their  joint  operations. 
There  may  be  still  a  second  reason  why  the  emperor  should 
not  wish  the  Northern  Powers  to  take  an  active  part  in  the 
restoration  of  the  King  of  France :  we  know  that  Prussia  has 
never  made  a  treaty  in  favour  of  any  one  without  turning  it 
to  good  account  and  getting  leg  or  wing  from  her  closest 
allies  (for  as  yet  none  of  them,  except  England,  have  failed 
to  be  her  dupes).     It  may  be  that  in  the  treaty  just  con- 

1  Baron  Taube  was,  it  must  be  remembered,  the  first  gentleman  of  the 
Bedchamber  to  the  King  of  Sweden  and  in  his  closest  confidence ;  for  this 
reason  his  letters  are  of  great  importance  as  expressing  the  views,  inten 
tions,  and  real  policy  of  the  king  in  French  affairs.  —  Tb. 


158  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  vi. 

eluded  between  the  emperor  and  the  King  of  Prussia  they 
have  mutually  guaranteed  to  each  other  some  portions  or 
possessions  of  France  as  indemnity  for  the  cost  of  succouring 
the  king ;  but  that  cannot  be  done  now  without  the  co-opera- 
tion of  the  Northern  Powers.  The  emperor's  slowness  looks 
very  suspicious  to  me  since  the  signing  of  the  treaty  with 
Prussia ;  it  is  certain  that  if  they  can  delay  action  for  another 
five  or  six  weeks  it  will  be  a  physical  impossibility  for  us 
and  our  neighbours  to  get  out  of  the  Baltic.  The  answer  of 
England  reached  us  yesterday,  and  I  think  it  is  perfect  and 
just  what  we  wanted ;  it  seems  to  me  that  all  we  could  ask 
of  the  King  of  England  is  not  to  take  part  for  or  against 
the  operations  that  other  Powers  may  attempt  for  the  res- 
toration of  the  French  monarchy. 

There  is  one  thing,  however,  that  we  must  ask  of  England 
(and  the  King  of  Sweden  has  rights  by  which  to  do  so) :  it  is 
that  our  fleets  may  winter  in  English  ports ;  England  exacted 
this  of  us  at  the  beginning  of  this  year  (when  she  thought 
there  would  be  a  rupture  between  herself  and  Eussia),  by 
reason  of  an  old  treaty  existing  between  Sweden  and  Eng- 
land. The  king  refused  it  only  for  the  Baltic  ports,  not  for 
the  ports  of  the  North  Sea,  such  as  Gothenburg,  Marstrand, 
Uddevalla,  etc. ;  but  the  Russians  have  not  the  same  claims. 
We  must  obtain  this,  and  money ;  for  what  the  empress  gives 
is  not  sufficient,  now  that  Spain  will  pay  nothing  at  the 
present  moment ;  the  latter  promises  to  send  it  when  things 
reach  the  point  of  being  able  to  act  —  but  that  point  never 
comes  for  Spain.  Everything  is  going  with  abominable  slow- 
ness ;  we  are  all  ready  to  leave  our  ports  by  the  end  of  this 
month,  the  Russians  the  same;  but  they  don't  want  us  to 
do  so,  my  friend;  I  am  more  and  more  convinced  of  that. 
The  princes  were  to  send  Baron  d'Escars  here,  but  he  has 
not  arrived. 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  159 

I  annex  to  this  letter  a  project  for  the  descent  on  Nor- 
mandy, which  the  king  desires  me  to  send  you.  It  is  certain 
that  if  we  could  get  there  and  operate,  that  would  soon  settle 
the  existence  of  the  National  Assembly,  for  we  should  then 
find  ourselves  in  the  heart  of  France.  I  am  now  getting 
further  information  on  this  memorial ;  the  descent,  if  made 
at  a  spot  called  the  Fosse  de  Colleville,  is  very  practicable ; 
but  it  remains  to  be  seen  where  our  fleet  can  then  stay,  for 
the  roadstead  of  La  Hogue  is  not  tenable  during  the  winter 
months;  for  this  reason  we  must  obtain  permission  for  the 
joint  fleets  of  Sweden  and  Russia  to  winter  in  English  ports ; 
because  it  would  be  impossible  to  get  them  back  to  Sweden. 
All  our  sailors  say  that  the  entrance  to  the  port  of  Ostend 
is  impracticable  in  the  autumn,  and,  to  judge  by  the  charts 
they  show  us,  it  must  be  so  on  account  of  the  many  sand- 
banks which  form  at  the  entrance  of  the  harbour. 

Return  to  me  this  memorial  by  the  courier;  the  king  is 
much  bent  on  the  execution  of  this  plan.  I  think  it  very 
feasible  as  to  the  descent  at  Colleville;  but  we  must  have 
safe  ports  for  fleets  of  some  thirty  or  more  ships  of  the  line 
and  frigates.  By  this  plan  we  should  be  rid  of  the  embarrass- 
ment of  acting  with  the  combined  troops  of  several  Powers, 
which  always  retards  all  operations;  there  would  be  none 
but  ourselves  and  the  Russians,  and  such  of  the  French  as 
would  rally  to  us.  It  would  be  best  in  every  way,  even  for 
us,  if  this  project  could  be  carried  out;  it  would  cause  us 
fewer  embarrassments  and  less  expense ;  for  we  should  take 
with  us  on  the  ships  what  we  needed  in  the  first  instance,  and 
once  on  shore  we  could  find  means  of  subsistence,  and  even 
ports,  later. 


160  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  vi. 

Count  Fersen  to  the  King  of  Sweden. 

Prague,  September  14,  1791. 

I  have  Y.  M.'s  despatch  of  August  19.  Yesterday  the 
emperor  received  an  answer  from  Eussia,  which  he  communi- 
cated to  me  himself.  The  empress  proposes  to  him  a  con- 
gress, the  recall  of  ambassadors,  a  declaration  in  common  to 
the  Assembly,  and  the  cessation  of  all  communication  and 
commerce  with  France.  She  informs  him  that  a  second 
courier  will  bring  him  information  as  to  the  troops  she 
means  to  send  and  the  steps  she  proposes  to  take.  The  em- 
peror  supposes  from  this  that  she  is  waiting  to  concert  with 
Y.  M.,  and  he  will  determine  nothing  until  the  arrival  of  that 
courier.  He  is  more  decided  than  ever  on  the  congress,  and 
all  we  can  obtain  from  him  is  to  have  it  supported  by  troops. 
He  seemed  to  me  to  feel  the  necessity  of  that.  He  told  me 
yesterday  that  orders  were  about  to  be  given  to  march  two 
regiments  of  cavalry  and  some  battalions  of  infantry  into 
the  Brisgau,  and  that  the  requisitions  were  ready  to  be 
sent. 

M.  de  Mercy  has  been  to  England  and  brought  back  the 
assurance  of  the  perfect  neutrality  of  that  Court. 

If,  after  all  this,  the  emperor  takes  no  steps,  I  shall  feel 
sure  that  he  is  only  seeking  to  gain  time  and  so  prevent  the 
Northern  Powers  from  sending  troops  this  year;  in  that 
case  I  shall  send  him,  before  his  departure  from  here  which 
is  fixed  for  the  20th  of  this  month,  a  note  demanding  a  posi- 
tive answer.  It  will  be  useless  for  me  to  prolong  my  stay 
any  longer,  the  emperor  not  intending  to  return  to  Vienna 
till  October  23.  From  what  he  says  to  me  I  ought  to  be- 
lieve that  he  is  determined  to  act,  and  feels  how  important 
it  is,  even  for  his  Low  Countries,  that  the  Swedish  and  Rus- 
sian troops  should  arrive ;  but  there  is  a  wide  difference  be- 


1791]  COUNT   AXEL  FERSEN.  161 

tween  words  and  actions.  I  gave  him  on  the  9th  a  rather 
detailed  memorial  on  what  I  thought  necessary  to  be  done 
at  this  moment.  I  insisted  on  the  utility  and  necessity  of 
the  immediate  arrival  of  the  Swedish  troops.  We  shall  see 
what  that  will  produce.  ...  It  will  be  useless  to  negotiate 
with  the  other  princes  of  Germany ;  they  will  consent  to 
nothing  without  the  advice  of  the  emperor,  and  he,  having 
declared  himself  head  of  the  league,  will  lend  himself  to  no 
foreign  negotiation  with  them.  The  subordinates  here  all 
assure  me  that  he  will  do  nothing,  and  I  know  that  that  is 
their  advice  to  him  ;  I  fear  their  influence  much. 

Count  Fersen  to  Baron  Taube. 

Prague,  September  21, 1791. 

The  king's  courier  arrived  last  night,  and  I  received  your 
letter,  my  dear  friend.  I  do  not  think  it  is  solely  from  aver- 
sion or  jealousy  that  the  emperor  delays  and  drags  along  the 
operations ;  I  think  him  personally  inclined  to  act ;  but  his 
ministry  holds  him  back  and  he  has  not  force  enough  to 
resist  it.  I  think  their  plan  is  all  made :  they  want  to  await 
an  answer  from  England  which  they  have  asked  for  through 
the  King  of  Prussia;  they  want  to  form  an  army  of  the 
Cercles  [German  States]  ;  they  want  to  wait  and  see  what 
answer  the  King  of  France  gives  touching  the  Constitu- 
tion, and  then  consult  anew  all  the  Courts  to  learn  what 
they  think ;  then,  if  the  king  is  at  liberty  after  that,  they 
will  propose  a  congress  at  Aix-la-Chapelle ;  but  I  doubt  if 
they  will  permit  columns  of  troops  to  support  it,  or  that 
they  mean  to  do  anything  before  the  spring. 

The  king  will  show  you  the  memorial  which  I  have  given 
to  the  emperor.  It  was  written  solely  to  induce  him  to  agree 
to  this  step  [the  arrival  of  Swedish  and  Russian  troops]  ; 
but  what  I  say  in  it  about  the  proper  method  of  interference 


162  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  vi. 

in  the  affairs  of  France  is,  I  think,  the  only  way,  namely : 
not  to  enter  into  any  question  of  government,  but  to  demand, 
solely,  that  the  king  be  set  at  liberty  either  at  the  Hermitage 
or  at  Montme*dy.  By  this  method  we  should  avoid  all  the  de- 
lays into  which  discussion  of  governmental  details  would  lead 
the  congress,  and  it  would  destroy  the  argument  which  the 
Vienna  ministry  has  already  used  to  me,  namely :  that  if  the 
King  of  France  sanctions  the  Constitution  freely,  he  will  he 
shown  to  be  master  in  his  own  kingdom  and  the  Powers  can 
interfere  no  further.  That  is  incontestable ;  but  the  king 
must  be  really  free,  not  apparently  so.  That  is  the  one 
thing  to  insist  upon,  and  it  simplifies  matters  very  much.  .  .  . 
I  am  seeking  a  means  of  correspondence  with  the  King  of 
France  to  inform  him  of  all  that  is  going  on,  and  induce  him 
to  make  requests  to  the  emperor  and  our  master,  which 
would  be  very  useful.  Perhaps  the  position  of  the  king  and 
queen  (of  which  I  have  no  knowledge  at  this  moment)  may 
make  them  desire  the  project  of  our  master  and  the  empress. 
I  will  get  information  as  to  this,  and  if  it  be  so,  my  God, 
what  happiness  !  I  will  send  you  a  courier  at  once,  and  the 
landing  could  be  made  effectually.  It  seems  to  me  a  good 
scheme ;  but  the  important,  indeed  the  absolutely  necessary 
point  is  that  the  ships  may  have  a  safe  roadstead  in  order  to 
have  a  sure  retreat  in  case  of  disaster ;  and  that  this  road- 
stead should  be  susceptible  of  defence  to  prevent  the  vessels 
from  being  insulted,  or  burned.  For  this  reason  I  should 
prefer  the  roadstead  of  La  Hogue,  in  spite  of  its  distance  from 
Caen;  it  can  be  defended;  whereas  that  of  the  Fosse  de 
Colleville  is  open  and  the  fleet  would  be  exposed.  The  idea 
of  disembarking  the  troops  there  and  then  sending  the  ships 
to  La  Hogue  seems  to  me  hazardous ;  the  fleet  might  have 
contrary  winds,  and  part  of  the  troops  must  be  left  on  board 
to  seize  the  forts  which  defend  the  entrance  to  La  Hogue. 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  163 

However,  the  navy  can  best  judge  of  these  operations ;  I  do 
not  know  the  coast. 

But,  in  any  case,  an  enterprise  of  this  kind  can  only  be  part 
of  a  general  plan  concerted  with  the  emperor.  All  partial 
advance  would  involve  great  danger  to  whoever  undertook 
it,  and  would  only  expose  the  king  and  queen  so  long  as  they 
are  in  Paris.  By  all  that  I  have  told  you,  my  friend,  you  will 
see  that  I  could  be  more  useful  in  Brussels  than  in  Vienna 
for  it  seems  to  me  clear  from  all  that  I  am  told  that  the 
strongest  impulsion  comes  from  the  Comte  de  Mercy  and  the 
archduchess  [Marie  Antoinette's  sister,  governor  of  the  Low 
Countries].  I  know  that  to  them  is  communicated  all  that 
happens,  every  thing  is  passed  upon  by  them ;  it  is  therefore 
on  them  that  we  should  act,  and  if  there  I  should  be  better 
able  to  keep  the  king  informed  as  to  what  is  happening  and 
what  are  the  intentions  of  the  King  of  France.  .  .  . 

You  are  very  right  in  all  you  say  of  the  Comte  d'Artois, 
...  his  visit  to  Vienna  has  done  more  harm  than  good ;  all 
vehement  action  checks  the  emperor  and  his  ministry  still 
more,  and  the  consequence  is  that  the  former  has  decided  to 
act  without  the  princes ;  he  fears  the  intrigues  of  those  who 
surround  them,  and  he  is  confirmed  in  this  idea  by  letters 
from  M.  de  Mercy,  and  letters  from  the  queen  written  before 
the  attempt  to  leave  Paris,  and  one  which  he  received  through. 
M.  de  Mercy  since  the  arrest,  in  which  she  asks  that  the 
Powers  will  act  without  the  princes ;  she  fears  their  reckless 
behaviour ;  she  fears  to  find  herself  dependent  upon  them,  if 
it  is  through  them  that  matters  change ;  she  fears,  and  with 
reason,  that  their  proceedings  will  only  irritate  the  factious 
without  alarming  them,  whereas  those  of  the  foreign  Powers 
will  terrify  them.  The  emperor  has  therefore  decided  to  act 
without  the  princes  in  concert  with  the  other  Powers ;  we 
must,  however,  induce  the  king  to  keep  on  good  terms  with 


164  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap,  vl 

the  princes,  for  that  may  be  useful  to  him,  but  not  to  bring 
them  forward  in  any  negotiations  with  the  other  Courts, 
especially  that  of  the  emperor.  Make  any  use  ot  this  that 
you  think  proper,  without  compromising  any  one.  We  must 
also  induce  the  king  to  make  no  partial  advance  without  the 
consent  of  the  King  of  France,  or  else  in  concert  with  the 
other  Powers ;  the  danger  would  be  too  great  for  him,  and 
even  for  the  King  of  France.  .  .  . 

I  leave  on  the  28th  for  Brussels,  where  I  hope  to  open  a 
correspondence  with  the  King  of  France  to  find  out  what  he 
wants  and  if  we  can  concert  something  with  him  in  which  our 
master  and  Eussia  can  take  the  leading  part ;  but,  as  I  could 
from  there  give  ideas  to  the  king's  ministers  at  the  different 
Courts,  I  must  have  the  cipher,  for  with  the  one  I  have  I 
cannot  communicate  with  Vienna.  If  the  king  desires 
this,  send  me  the  cipher  at  the  earliest  moment. 

Adieu,  my  dear  friend ;  God  preserve  you ;  love  always  the 
most  tender  and  most  sincere  of  your  friends. 

Queen  Marie-Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen. 

September  26, 1791. 

Your  letter  of  the  28  th  has  reached  me.  For  two  months 
I  have  had  no  news  of  you ;  no  one  could  tell  me  where  you 
were.  I  was  on  the  point,  if  I  had  known  her  address,  of 
writing  to  Sophie  [his  sister,  mistress  of  the  robes  to  the 
Queen  of  Sweden]  .  .  .  [seven  lines  missing1]  we  are  here 
in  a  new  position  since  the  king's  acceptance  [of  the  Con- 
stitution] ;  to  refuse  it  would  have  been  nobler,  but  that  was 
impossible  under  the  circumstances  in  which  we  are.  I 
could  have  wished  that  the   acceptance  were  simple  and 

1  The  queen's  letters  are  nearly  all  in  cipher,  or  in  "  white  ink  "  mingled 
with  plain  writing,  and  various  undecipherable  or  missing  passages  occur. 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  165 

shorter,  but  that  is  the  misfortune  of  being  surrounded  by 
villains ;  indeed,  I  assure  you  it  was  the  least  bad  project 
they  presented.  You  can  judge  of  this  some  day,  for  I  have 
kept  for  you  all  that  ex  .  .  .  [two  lines  missing]  there ; 
which  I  had  the  good  fortune  to  find,  as  there  are  papers 
in  it  belonging  to  you.  The  follies  of  the  princes  and  the 
Smigres  have  forced  us  to  this  step.  It  was  essential,  in  accept- 
ing, to  remove  all  doubt  of  its  being  sincere.  I  believe  that 
the  best  way  to  sicken  every  one  of  all  this  is  to  seem  to  be 
in  it  wholly ;  that  will  soon  show  that  nothing  can  go  on. 

In  spite  of  the  letter  that  my  brothers  have  written  to  the 
king  (and  which,  by  the  way,  did  not  at  all  have  the  effect 
here  which  they  expected)  I  do  not  see,  especially  in  the 
declaration  of  Pillnitz,  that  foreign  help  is  very  prompt. 
That  may,  perhaps,  be  fortunate,  for  the  farther  we  advance 
the  more  these  wretches  will  feel  their  misfortunes  ;  perhaps 
they  will  even  come  to  desire  the  help  of  foreigners  them- 
selves. I  fear  that  rash  heads  may  lead  your  king  to  do 
something  which  may  compromise  him,  and  us  with  him. 
Much  wisdom  is  needed.     I  shall  write  to  M.  de  Mercy. 

As  soon  as  you  are  in  Brussels,  let  me  know  ;  I  will  write 
to  you  simply ;  for  I  have  a  sure  means  always  at  my  orders. 
You  could  never  imagine  how  much  all  that  I  do  in  these 
days  costs  me ;  and  yet,  this  vile  race  of  men,  who  say  they 
are  attached  to  us  and  to  whom  we  have  never  done  harm, 
are  furious  at  this  moment ;  it  seems  as  though  one  must 
have  a  base  soul  to  do  with  satisfaction  that  to  which  one  is 
forced ;  and  it  is  their  .  .  .  and  their  conduct  which  has 
dragged  us  into  the  position  in  which  we  now  are.  I  have 
had  but  one  happiness,  that  of  seeing  once  more  the  gentle- 
men who  were  imprisoned  for  us,  —  especially  M.  Goguelat ; 
he  is  perfectly  reasonable  and  his  head  has  become  balanced 
during  his  imprisonment. 


166  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  vi. 

Count  Fersen  to  Queen  Marie-Antoinette. 

Brussels,  October  10,  1791. 

I  am  here  again. 

\Four  lines  missing.^ 

I  pity  you  for  having  been  forced  to  sanction  [the  Consti- 
tution] ;  but  I  feel  your  position,  it  is  dreadful,  and  you 
could  take  no  other  course.  I  have  at  least  the  consolation 
of  knowing  that  other  reasonable  persons  are  of  the  same 
opinion.  But  what  are  you  going  to  do  ?  Is  all  hope  lost  ? 
If  any  remains,  do  not  allow  yourself  to  be  disheartened  ;  if 
you  desire  to  be  aided,  I  hope  that  you  can  be ;  but  for  that 
we  must  know  your  desires  and  your  plans,  in  order  to 
moderate  or  excite  the  good-will  and  efforts  of  the  King  of 
Sweden  and  the  other  Powers ;  for,  in  any  case,  the  princes 
must  be  only  auxiliaries. 

The  Empress  of  Eussia  and  the  kings  of  Prussia,  Naples, 
Sardinia,  and  Spain  are  very  satisfactory,  especially  the  first 
three ;  Sweden  will  sacrifice  herself  for  you.  England  assures 
us  of  her  neutrality.  The  emperor  is  the  least  willing :  he  is 
weak  and  indiscreet ;  he  promises  all,  but  his  ministry, 
which  fears  to  compromise  itself  and  wants  to  avoid  inter- 
ference, holds  him  back.  Hence  the  contradiction  which  you 
notice  between  his  letters  and  his  acts.  I  was  sent  to  him 
by  the  king  with  full  and  unlimited  powers,  to  propose  and 
consent  to  whatever  might  serve  you.  I  have  been  unable 
to  do  anything  except  prevent  a  few  foolish  acts  of  the 
princes  and  persuade  him  to  have  nothing  to  do  with  them. 
I  made  him  a  detailed  memorial  in  which  I  proposed  to  him 
to  recall  the  ambassadors  and  have  them  meet  in  congress ; 
to  insist  on  nothing  except  your  liberty  in  the  terms  of  the 
Pillnitz  declaration ;  to  exact,  as  a  proof  of  your  liberty,  that 
you  shall  go  to  the  Hermitage  or  to  Montmddy,  and  call  the 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  167 

body-guard  and  whatever  troops  you  wish  around  you ;  to 
advance  columns  of  troops  on  all  sides  toward  the  frontiers ; 
to  demand  them  from  Sweden  and  Russia  and  allow  their 
troops  to  land  at  Ostend.  I  asked  the  emperor  to  make  this 
demand  at  once,  inasmuch  as  the  other  Powers  have  all  said 
that  they  would  do  what  he  did.  He  was  of  my  opinion 
about  everything ;  but  nothing  has  been  done ;  all  has  been 
allowed  to  go  on  until  now  you  have  been  forced  to  sanction 
the  Constitution.  But  if  you  have  any  project,  we  can  push 
it  by  the  other  Powers,  and  as  I  am  charged  by  the  king  [of 
Sweden]  to  correspond  with  all  his  ministers,  I  will  guide 
myself  in  doing  so  by  what  you  will  write  to  me. 

Here  are  certain  questions  to  which  it  is  necessary  to 
reply ;  but  to  save  length  I  keep  the  numbers  and  you  can 
mark  your  answers  1,  2,  3 :  — 

1.  Do  you  intend  to  put  yourselves  sincerely  into  the  revo- 
lution, and  do  you  think  that  there  is  no  other  means  ? 

2.  Do  you  wish  to  be  aided,  or  do  you  wish  us  to  cease  all 
negotiations  with  the  Courts  ? 

3.  Have  you  a  plan,  and  what  is  it  ? 

Pardon  these  questions;  I  flatter  myself  that  you  will 
see  in  them  only  the  desire  to  serve  you  with  boundless 
devotion. 

October  12. 

M.  de  Mercy  has  just  communicated  to  me  your  letter 
and  I  write  in  consequence.  He  was  against  the  congress 
until  now,  but  I  have  decided  him  to  support  it  in  Vienna 
by  proving  to  him  that  some  ostensible  step  must  be  taken 
to  check  the  princes  and  the  assemblage  whom  they  have 
collected  about  them  ;  it  is  alarming.  The  affair  of  Avignon 
is  a  good  pretext  for  a  congress,  and  I  intend  to  write  to  the 
ministry  of  the  King  of  Spain  asking  them  to  induce  the 
pope  to  call  for  an  intervention  of  the  Powers.    You  must 


168  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF        [chap.  vi. 

urge  the  emperor  to  form  the  congress,  or,  at  least,  to  an- 
nounce it  at  once,  indicating  the  place  and  naming  the  mem- 
bers. Exaggerate  your  fears  about  the  princes  and  say  that 
this  announcement  will  calm  them.  Insist  that  the  congress 
be  supported  by  a  demonstration  of  armed  force. 

Comte  Fersen  to  Queen  Marie- Antoinette. 

October  18, 1791. 

I  have  nothing  to  add  to  my  letter  of  yesterday.  Con- 
tinue to  insist  with  the  emperor  and  urge  him ;  ask  him  to 
tell  you  frankly  whether  he  intends  to  do  what  you  request 
of  him ;  I  will  try  to  have  him  urged  by  the  other  Courts. 
Do  not  let  your  heart  go  out  to  those  madmen;  they  are 
scoundrels,  who  will  never  do  anything  for  you ;  you  must 
distrust  them,  and  use  them. 

I  have  confided  to  the  Chevalier  de  Coigny  a  part  of  my 
negotiations ;  I  know  no  other  fault  in  him  than  that  of  lik- 
ing Calonne.  I  have  had  no  time  to  decipher  more  than  the 
beginning  of  your  letter.  It  is  the  fear  of  compromising  us 
which  has  kept  me  from  writing  to  you.  I  am  just  now 
overwhelmed  with  writing.  I  cannot  return  to  Sweden  be- 
cause I  am  charged  with  the  king's  correspondence.  The 
rest  of  this  cipher  means  nothing ;  it  is  only  to  fill  up  the 
paper. 

Queen  Marie-Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen. 

October  19, 1791. 

It  is  impossible  to  bring  out  M.  de  Breteuil's  writing  on 
the  papers  with  the  liquid  that  the  Chevalier  de  Coigny  has 
brought  us.  Send  me  word  at  once,  by  post,  the  right  way 
to  use  the  liquid  and  of  what  it  is  made,  because  if  this  is 
bad  we  must  get  some  more  made. 

I  have  written  to  M.  de  Mercy  to  urge  the  congress;  I 
told  him  to  communicate  my  letter  to  you ;  therefore  I  will 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  169 

enter  into  no  details  about  that  matter  here.  I  have  seen  M. 
de  Moustier,  who  also  desires  the  congress.  He  has  even 
given  me  some  ideas  for  the  basis  of  it  which  I  think  reason- 
able. He  refuses  the  ministry,  and  I  advised  him  to  do  so. 
He  is  a  man  to  preserve  for  better  times ;  and  he  might  be 
lost. 

Reassure  yourself ;  I  shall  not  let  myself  go  to  these  mad- 
men, and  if  I  see  them,  or  have  any  relations  with  some  of 
them,  it  is  only  to  make  use  of  them ;  they  inspire  me  with 
too  great  a  horror  ever  to  let  myself  go  to  them.  They 
intend,  I  believe,  to  put  the  Comte  de  Segur  in  M.  de 
Moustier's  place.  I  wish  he  would  take  it ;  he  knows  how 
to  speak,  and  that  is  all  we  need  at  this  moment  when  we 
cannot  have  ministers  who  are  good  for  us,  and  it  may  ruin 
him ;  there  would  be  no  harm  in  that. 

The  body-guards  make  us  very  anxious ;  it  is  certain  that 
they  will  be  entirely  lost  for  us  by  forming  them  into  a 
corps,  as  is  now  being  done ;  I  am  assured  by  these  madmen 
themselves  that  nothing  will  be  more  easy  than  to  bring  them 
back  later;  but  there  certainly  is  an  air  of  intending  to  do 
something  down  there  \lh-bas~\,  and  then  it  would  be  impossi- 
ble. I  have  written  of  this,  and  so  has  the  king,  to  his 
brothers  by  the  senaubr  [?],  to  see  if  there  is  no  way  of 
doing  something  to  prevent  it.  The  point  is  not  to  unite 
them  into  a  corps,  and,  if  nothing  is  done  this  winter,  to  send 
some  of  them  back  here.  We  must  not,  however,  urge  their 
return,  because  we  have  a  project  very  much  like  that  of  the 
month  of  June ;  it  is  not  yet  fully  determined ;  I  will  let 
you  know  about  it  in  eight  or  ten  days ;  if  it  takes  place  it 
will  be  from  the  15th  to  the  20th  of  November.  If  we  can- 
not go  then  we  shall  do  nothing  more  this  winter,  but  go  on 
waiting  for  the  congress,  which  I  shall  urge  strongly. 

I  cannot  tell  you  how  touched  I  am,  the  king  also,  by 


170  DIARY  AND   CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  vi. 

what  that  good  M.  Crawford  is  doing  for  us.  I  will  write 
you  in  a  few  days  what  you  must  say  to  him  from  us.  We 
should  be  very  glad  to  be  able  to  do  anything  for  him. 
There  are  so  few  persons  who  show  us  true  attachment !  It 
is  known  here  that  he  is  concerned  in  our  affairs,  and  I  have 
had  many  fears  about  his  house. 

All  is  tranquil  enough  for  the  time  being,  apparently ;  but 
this  tranquillity  hangs  by  a  thread,  and  the  people  are  al- 
ways as  they  were  —  ready  to  commit  horrors.  We  are  told 
they  are  for  us ;  I  do  not  believe  it ;  certainly  they  are  not  for 
me.  I  know  the  value  to  set  on  all  that ;  most  of  the  time 
the  people  are  paid,  and  they  only  like  us  as  long  as  we  do 
what  they  choose.  It  is  impossible  to  go  on  much  longer  in 
this  way ;  there  is  no  more  safety  in  Paris  now  than  there 
was  before  [the  acceptance  of  the  Constitution],  perhaps  less, 
for  they  are  now  accustomed  to  see  us  degraded. 

You  tell  me  nothing  of  your  health.  Mine  is  good  .  .  . 
[two  lines  missing].  Frenchmen  are  atrocious  in  every  way ; 
if  those  here  get  the  advantage  and  we  have  to  live  on  among 
them,  we  must  take  great  care  that  they  shall  have  nothing 
to  reproach  us  with ;  but  we  must  also  remember  that  if 
those  now  without  [the  emigres']  should  ever  again  become 
masters  we  must  do  nothing  to  displease  them  .  .  .  [Jive 
lines  missing~\. 

Baron  Taube  to  Count  Fersen. 

Stockholm,  Oct.  21,  1791. 

The  treaty  of  alliance  [between  Sweden  and  Eussia]  was 
signed  yesterday.  The  empress  gives  the  king  12,000  infan- 
try and  4000  Cossacks  and  hussars,  and  12  ships  of  the  line. 
What  I  am  to  tell  you  now,  my  friend,  is  of  the  greatest 
secrecy,  and  you  will  see  how  necessary  it  is  that  I  shall  not 
be  compromised-     The  king  has  just  received  an  extremely 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  171 

friendly  letter  from  the  empress,  with  copies  of  one  she  has 
written  to  the  emperor  and  of  one  she  has  received  from  the 
princes.  In  her  letter  to  the  king  she  says  she  perseveres  in 
her  idea  of  contributing  with  all  her  power  to  the  overthrow 
of  the  new  Constitution  in  France,  in  spite  of  its  acceptance 
by  the  king  of  France,  which  should  be  regarded  as  forced 
and  null ;  if,  however,  the  King  and  Queen  of  France  accepted 
it  in  good  faith,  so  much  the  worse  for  them,  and  in  that  case 
the  King  of  France  must  be  regarded  as  non  ens.  You  can 
judge  what  advantage  can  be  drawn  from  the  opposition  of 
a  person  who  thinks  as  strongly  as  she  does. 

To  the  emperor  she  says :  "  We  must  assist  the  princes 
efficaciously  and  begin  operations  without  delay."  You  see 
from  that  how  necessary  it  is  that  the  King  of  France  should 
himself  write  to  the  empress  and  tell  her  of  his  affairs  and 
his  designs,  —  to  her  directly,  or  to  her  through  the  king  [of 
Sweden],  to  whom  she  seems  to  give  herself  up  with  the 
utmost  confidence. 

As  for  the  affairs  of  France,  here  is  what  the  princes  say 

in  their  letter  to  the  empress :     "  The  spirit  of  delay  which 

is  conducting  the  cabinets  of  Vienna  and  Madrid,  the  bad 

faith  of  the  latter,  which  we  have  good  reason  to  believe  is 

sold  to  our  enemies,  the  intrigues  of  the  Baron  de  Breteuil 

(for  it  is  time  to  name  him  to  Your  Majesty),  who  prefers  to 

upset  everything  rather  than  see  any  projects  succeed  but 

those  he  conceives  himself,"  etc.,  etc.     You  can  tell  all  this 

to  M.  de  Breteuil,  without  naming  me ;  I  rely,  my  dear  friend, 

on  your  regard  and  discretion.     Advise  the  baron  to  keep  up 

a  steady  correspondence  with  the  king  [of  Sweden] ;  the  king 

has  a  great  esteem  for  him  and  has  loved  him  from  childhood. 

Try,  in  God's  name,  that  the  king  may  have  money  so  that  he 

may  be  in  a  position  to  rule  all  the  others ;  for  if  he  does  not 

begin  this  affair,  the  other  Powers  will  never  do  anything. 
Ver.  8  12  Mem. 


172  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap,  vt 

Count  Fersen  to  Queen  Marie-Antoinette. 

October  25, 1791. 

Continue  to  urge  the  emperor  for  this  congress ;  without  a 
very  decided  and  prompt  step  in  that  direction,  I  fear  all 
from  the  folly  of  the  princes  and  the  emigres/  they  are 
much  excited,  and  if  they  think  themselves  abandoned  I 
will  not  answer  for  what  they  may  do.  I  have  written  to 
the  ministers  of  my  king  at  all  the  Courts,  telling  them  to 
urge  the  emperor  on  this  point ;  he  needs  to  be  pushed,  or  he 
will  do  nothing.  Do  not  fear  any  rash  advance  on  the  part 
of  my  king;  I  can  stop  that.  His  conduct  in  your  affairs 
deserves  your  gratitude;  if  all  had  behaved  like  him  you 
would  not  now  be  in  your  present  state. 

Stael  says  horrors  of  me ;  he  has  even  bribed  my  coach- 
man and  taken  him  into  his  service,  which  pains  me.  He 
has  prejudiced  against  me  many  persons  who  now  blame  my 
conduct  and  say  that  I  act  from  ambition  only,  and  that  I 
have  ruined  you  and  the  king.  The  Spanish  ambassador  and 
others  are  of  that  opinion.  They  are  right :  I  have  had  am- 
bition —  to  serve  you,  and  all  my  life  I  shall  regret  that  I 
did  not  succeed ;  I  wanted  to  return  to  you  a  part  of  the 
obligations  it  has  been  so  sweet  to  me  to  owe  you,  and  I 
wanted  to  show  others  that  one  can  be  attached  to  persons 
like  you  without  any  selfish  interests.  The  rest  of  my  con- 
duct might  have  proved  to  them  that  there  was  my  sole  am- 
bition, and  that  the  glory  of  having  served  you  was  my 
dearest  reward. 

My  horses  have  arrived  [those  with  which  he  drove  the 
royal  family  to  Bondy].  I  know  that  you  have  seen  the 
wife  of  my  valet.  How  kind !  but  I  ought  to  be  accustomed 
to  that.  They  say  here  that  you  prefer  to  remain  as  you 
are,  and  to  make  use  of  the  princes;  that  is  very  proper, 


1791]  COUNT   AXEL  FERSEN.  173 

but  take  care ;  it  must  not  be  said  openly,  or  it  will  be  dan- 
gerous for  you. 

My  father  wants  me  to  return  to  Sweden,  but  I  hope  to 
bring  him  round  to  my  ideas;  it  is  chiefly  the  matter  of 
money  which  alarms  him.  Tell  me  what  you  wish  me  to  do 
with  that  I  sent  for  you  to  Holland.  Am  I  to  invest  it,  or 
leave  it  on  deposit  where  it  is  ?  M.  de  Bouilld,  though  I  told 
him  to  remit  to  me  what  remained  of  the  million,  had  the 
weakness  to  give  it  to  the  princes;  it  was  seven  hundred 
thousand  francs,  which  would  have  been  very  useful  to  you 
to  have.  If  the  princes  can  be  restrained  the  present  vast 
emigration  may  not  be  an  evil  for  you ;  it  may  serve  to  en- 
lighten the  people  and  bring  them  back  through  want  and 
poverty. 

Count  Fersen  to  Queen  Marie-Antoinette. 

October  29, 1791. 

I  have  received  perfect  letters  from  Sweden.  The  king 
urges  the  empress  strongly,  and  she  is  very  well  inclined. 
She  desires  an  interview  with  him,  which  is  to  take  place  as 
soon  as  the  frontiers  are  settled.  It  is  important  that  your 
letter  should  reach  her  before  this  interview ;  it  would  have 
a  good  effect.  I  have  already  told  the  king  what  you  desire 
should  be  done,  and  I  will  repeat  it  to  him  again.  Baron 
Taube  has  come  round  to  my  idea  for  the  congress,  and  I  am 
sure  that  the  king  will  urge  it.  The  departure  of  the  min- 
isters and  ambassadors  should  be  on  leave  of  absence,  and 
this  should  take  place  as  soon  as  possible  ;  but  it  is  necessary 
to  insist  to  the  emperor  that  a  demonstration  of  armed  force 
be  made  to  support  the  congress ;  or,  at  least,  that  prepara- 
tions be  made  to  march  the  troops,  without  which  the  con- 
gress will  not  have  the  power  or  the  consideration  it  ought 
to  have.     The  emperor,   Spain,  and  the  King  of  Sardinia 


174  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  ti. 

could  give  orders  to  hold  their  troops  ready  to  march.  The 
King  of  Prussia  could  order  his  in  Wesel  to  prepare  their 
war  equipment  and  hold  themselves  ready:  Sweden  and 
Eussia  the  same.  Insist  on  this  to  the  emperor.  I  shall 
write  the  same  everywhere.  Disunion  is  in  the  councils  at 
Coblentz  [among  the  princes  and  emigres];  the  Bishop  of 
Arras  has  departed.  They  are  weary  of  Mardchal  de  Broglie. 
Calonne  and  Jaucourt  have  quarrelled ;  the  first  will  not  re- 
main if  the  other  does ;  they  even  say  that  he  is  going  back 
to  England.  M.  de  Castries  is  here;  he  inclines  to  go  to 
Coblentz,  but  he  is  very  reasonable  and  wants  to  induce  M.  de 
Breteuil  to  go  with  him,  which  he  will  not  do ;  but  I  hope 
Castries  will  put  him  into  relation  with  the  princes  suffi- 
ciently to  prevent  their  follies.  Even  the  two  princes 
[d'Artois  and  Cond£]  have  quarrelled,  and  I  hope  there  will 
be  nothing  to  fear  from  them.  We  must,  nevertheless,  make 
use  of  that  scarecrow  to  urge  the  emperor,  who  needs  it,  or 
he  will  do  nothing.  If  the  emigres  return  just  now  it  will 
be  a  great  misfortune,  but  they  had  far  better  never  have 
come  out ;  as  they  are  here,  however,  their  return  would  be  a 
great  triumph  for  the  madmen,  and  you  would  lose  much  of 
your  power  to  control  the  latter.  I  therefore  think  it  best 
to  have  an  air  of  wishing  the  return  of  the  emigres  but  do 
nothing  to  promote  it ;  it  is  only  necessary  to  restrain  them ; 
and  the  congress  will  do  that. 

Whenever  you  receive  blank  paper  or  a  book  with  blank 
leaves  or  engravings  it  will  be  written  upon  in  white  ink ; 
when  the  date  is  at  the  bottom  of  the  letters,  the  same. 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  175 


CHAPTER   VII. 

1791.  The  same  continued.  —  Efforts  to  obtain  a  Congress.  —  Memorial  of 
Count  Fersen  to  the  Queen,  explaining  the  political  Situation  of  the 
Powers  and  advising  a  Course  of  Action  for  the  King  and  Queen  of 
France. 

Queen  Marie-Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen. 

October  31, 1791. 

I  received  your  papers  by  M.  de  Brige  yesterday;  the 
writing  came  out  perfectly  with  the  liquid  which  I  obtained 
from  the  apothecary.  The  kind  sent  to  us  from  down  there 
[la-bas]  must  have  evaporated,  but  that  is  no  matter  now. 
I  shall  try  to  answer  all  in  brief ;  and  I  will  do  so  as  often  as 
I  have  time  up  to  Thursday,  when  the  man  who  takes  charge 
of  this  letter  will  start. 

I  was  so  hurried  the  last  time  I  wrote  to  you  that  I  could 
not  speak  of  M.  Crawford.  Tell  him  that  we  know  the  per- 
fect way  in  which  he  has  acted  for  us  ;  that  I  have  always 
taken  pleasure  in  thinking  of  his  attachment,  but  that  now, 
in  the  dreadful  position  in  which  we  are,  every  new  proof  of 
interest  is  a  claim  the  more,  and  very  sweet,  upon  our  grati- 
tude.—  Monsieur's  letter  to  the  baron  [de  Breteuil]  surprised 
and  shocked  us  ;  but  we  must  have  patience  and  not  show 
too  much  anger  at  this  moment ;  I  shall,  however,  copy  it 
and  show  it  to  my  sister.  I  am  curious  to  know  how  she  will 
justify  it  in  the  midst  of  all  that  is  happening.  Our  interior 
is  a  hell ;  with  the  best  intentions  in  the  world  there  is  no  say- 
ing anything.  My  sister  is  so  indiscreet,  and  so  surrounded  by 
intriguers,  and  above  all  so  ruled  by  her  brothers  from  with- 
out, that  there  is  no  way  for  us  to  talk  to  one  another,  or  we 
should  quarrel  all  the  time.     I  see  that  the  ambition  of  the 


176  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF        [chap.  vn. 

persons  who  surround  Monsieur  will  ruin  him  entirely ;  he 
believed,  at  the  first  moment,  that  he  was  everything ;  but 
do  what  he  will,  he  never  can  play  a  role ;  his  brother  [the 
king]  will  always  have  the  confidence  of  others  and  the 
advantage  over  him  in  all  cases,  from  the  constancy  and 
invariability  of  his  conduct. 

It  is  very  unfortunate  that  Monsieur  did  not  return  at 
once  when  we  were  arrested ;  he  would  then  have  followed 
the  course  he  had  always  announced,  —  that  of  never  quitting 
us ;  and  he  would  then  have  spared  us  much  pain  and  trouble 
which  may  perhaps  result  in  a  formal  summons  [sommation] 
which  we  shall  be  forced  to  issue  for  his  return,  to  which  we 
feel,  especially  if  made  in  that  manner,  he  could  not  consent. 

We  groan  at  the  number  of  emigres  ;  we  feel  the  injury, 
as  much  for  the  interior  of  the  kingdom  as  for  the  princes 
themselves.  What  is  dreadful  is  the  manner  in  which  these 
worthy  persons  are  deceived  and  have  been  deceived,  so  that 
soon  nothing  will  remain  to  them  but  anger  and  despair. 
Those  who  have  had  enough  confidence  in  us  to  consult  us 
have  remained,  or,  at  least,  if  they  thought  it  for  their  honour 
to  go,  they  have  heard  the  truth  from  us.  But  what  good 
was  that  ?  the  tone  and  mania  are  not  to  do  our  will ;  to  say 
that  we  are  not  free  (which  is  very  true) ;  that  consequently 
we  cannot  speak  our  real  thoughts,  and  that  the  reverse  of 
what  we  say  should  be  done.  This  has  been  the  fate 
of  the  memorial  sent  by  us  to  my  brothers,  which  you  saw 
and  approved.  The  answer  came  that  we  were  forced  to 
write  that  memorial,  that  such  could  not  be  our  sentiments, 
and  that  consequently  they  would  take  no  account  of  it ;  and 
then  they  beg  us  to  have  confidence  and  speak  to  them 
frankly  ;  which  is  really  saying :  "  Do  our  will  and  then  we 
will  serve  you,  but  not  otherwise." 

As  it  is  possible,  however,  that  they  may  at  this  moment 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  177 

be  committing  follies  which  would  ruin  all,  I  think  we 
ought  to  stop  them  at  any  cost ;  and  as  I  hope  —  from  what 
your  documents  say  and  from  the  letter  of  M.  de  Mercy  — 
that  the  congress  will  really  take  place,  I  think  we  ought  to 
send  them  from  here  some  safe  person  who  would  show  them 
[the  princes]  the  danger  and  the  extravagance  of  their 
scheme,  and  also  show  them  our  true  position  and  our 
desires,  and  make  them  see  that  the  only  course  for  us  to 
follow  at  this  moment  is  to  gain  the  confidence  of  the  people 
here ;  that  that  is  useful,  necessary  even,  to  any  project 
whatever;  for  all  should  go  on  together,  and  the  Powers 
not  being  able  to  come  to  the  help  of  France  with  great 
forces  during  the  winter,  nothing  but  a  congress  can  rally 
and  unite  the  means  that  may  be  possible  in  the  spring. 
But,  in  making  this  confidence  [to  the  princes]  we  must 
beware  of  their  extreme  indiscretion;  for  that  reason,  we 
can  say  to  the  person  who  goes  from  here  only  that  which 
we  want  to  make  openly  known  Ik-bas. 

M.  Grimm  has  arrived  here.  He  wished  to  see  me,  but  I 
answered  that  it  was  impossible  for  me  to  receive  him,  and 
that  is  true  in  a  certain  way;  I  am  too  closely  watched. 
But  I  have  had  him  told  my  reasons  by  a  person  who,  at  the 
same  time,  will  tell  him  in  suitable  terms  of  our  feelings 
for  the  empress  [of  Russia].  It  is  very  important  that  we 
should  succeed  in  making  her  adopt  the  idea  of  a  congress ; 
by  her  character  she  can  bring  all  the  Powers  to  decide 
upon  it,  and  she  can  also  restrain  the  princes.  I  fear 
only  the  levity  of  M.  de  Calonne  and  the  petulance  of  M.  de 
Nassau. 

There  is  nothing  to  be  gained  from  this  Assembly ;  it  is  a 
crowd  of  scoundrels,  madmen,  and  fools ;  the  few  who  want 
order  and  less  evil  than  the  rest  are  not  listened  to,  or  dare 
not  speak.     It  is   in  the  mud,  among  the  populace  even, 


178  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  vii. 

that  the  Assembly  tries  in  every  way  to  create  excite- 
ment ;  but  that  succeeds  no  longer.  Nothing  but  the  clear- 
ness of  bread  occupies  their  minds,  and  the  decrees.  The 
journals  do  not  even  speak  of  it  [excitement] ;  in  this  there 
is  a  great  change,  very  visible  in  Paris,  where  the  great 
majority,  not  knowing  whether  they  want  this  regime  01 
another,  is  weary  of  troubles  and  does  want  tranquillity.  I 
speak  of  Paris  only ;  for  I  think  the  provincial  cities  are  worse 
at  this  moment ;  and  yet  from  Coblentz  they  never  cease  to 
tell  us  that  they  have  great  good  understandings  through- 
out the  kingdom ;  but  the  affair  at  Lyon  makes  us  cautious 
and  little  credulous  on  such  assurances.  The  King  of 
Sweden,  in  sending  back  to  the  king  his  letter  notifying  his 
acceptance  [of  the  Constitution]  without  reading  it,  did  a 
thing  which  I  wish  had  been  done  by  all  the  other  Powers ; 
but  done  alone,  I  fear  there  was  imprudence  in  the  step. 
Nevertheless,  it  is  impossible  to  be  more  touched  than  we 
are  by  the  frankness,  the  loyalty,  the  nobleness  of  his  conduct 
to  us,  and  I  hope  that  some  day  we  may  at  last  benefit  by 
all  that  he  is  good  enough  to  do  for  us. 

I  have  just  read  two  despatches  from  Spain,  one  of  October 
13  th,  the  other  of  the  20th.  They  are  very  well,  and  I  think 
that  Spain  will  make  no  difficulty  about  the  congress.  The 
idea  of  it  is  even  a  part  of  her  own  plan ;  but  she  wants  that 
the  king  be  free  and  able  to  go  where  he  pleases  beforehand. 
That  idea  is  impossible ;  for  they  will  always  say  here  that  he 
is  now  the  master  of  going  where  he  pleases ;  but  in  point  of 
fact  he  cannot  do  so,  for  besides  the  danger  of  getting  out  of 
Paris  (where  he  might  be  obliged  to  leave  his  wife  and  son), 
his  personal  safety  would  be  no  greater  in  other  places,  for 
there  is  not  a  town,  and  no  troops,  on  which  he  can  rely.  It 
seems  to  me,  on  the  contrary,  that  it  is  only  in  seeking  to 
win  daily  more  confidence  and  popularity  here  that  we  can 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  179 

succeed,  after  the  congress  is  opened,  in  joining  it,  or  at  least 
in  going  to  the  frontier,  to  be  in  some  sort  charged  with  the 
interests  of  this  country.  If  we  could  gain  that  point,  it 
would  be  all ;  and  that  is  the  object  for  which  we  ought  to 
aim ;  for  that,  all  our  daily  actions  should  combine  to  inspire 
confidence.  The  misfortune  is  that  we  are  not  seconded 
here  by  any  one,  and,  no  matter  what  efforts  I  make,  I  cannot 
alone  do  all  I  wish  and  feel  so  necessary  for  the  general  good. 

Spain  has  still  another  idea,  but  I  think  that  detestable : 
it  is  to  have  the  princes  return,  accompanied  by  all  the 
French,  supported  only  by  the  King  of  Sweden  as  our  ally, 
and  announce  by  manifesto  that  they  do  not  come  to  make 
war,  but  to  rally  all  good  Frenchmen  to  their  side  and  declare 
themselves  protectors  of  true  French  liberty.  The  great 
powers  to  furnish  the  necessary  money  for  this  operation, 
and  remain  themselves  outside  with  a  sufficient  number 
of  troops  to  awe,  but  do  nothing;  so  that  no  pretext  of 
invasion  or  dismemberment  could  be  made. 

But  all  that  is  not  practicable;  and  I  think  that  if  the 
emperor  would  hasten  to  call  the  congress,  that  is  the  only 
useful  and  suitable  manner  to  make  an  end  of  it  all.  I  do 
not  understand  why  you  wish  the  Powers  to  withdraw  their 
ministers  and  ambassadors  at  once.  It  seems  to  me  that, 
this  congress  being  supposed,  at  least  at  first,  to  be  called  as 
much  for  affairs  that  concern  all  the  Powers  of  Europe  as 
for  those  of  France,  there  is  no  reason  for  this  sudden 
recall.  And  besides,  is  it  sure  that  all  the  Powers  would  act 
alike  ?  and  do  you  not  think  that  England,  Holland  led  by 
England,  and  Prussia,  in  order  to  outwit  the  others,  will 
leave  their  ministers  ?  Then  there  would  be  disunion  in  the 
opinions  of  Europe,  which  could  only  injure  our  affairs.  I 
may  be  mistaken,  but  I  think  that  nothing  but  great  harmony, 
at  least  in  appearance,  can  impose  respect  here.     Distrust 


180  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF        [chap.  vii. 

Denmark;  from  the  despatches  she  seems  detestable,  espe- 
cially towards  Eussia  and  Sweden. 

I  must  have  expressed  myself  ill  about  the  body-guard; 
our  intention  was  not  to  recall  them,  but  to  prevent  their 
being  formed  into  a  corps,  and,  if  nothing  were  done  this 
winter,  that  the  officers,  or  the  richest  among  them,  should 
return  here  to  show  themselves.  The  same  thing  exists  for 
the  emigres ;  I  know  perfectly  well  that,  once  out  of  the 
country,  and  in  such  a  manner,  their  return  is  impossible ; 
but  this  is  a  great  misfortune ;  greater  even  for  the  rest  of 
France  than  for  Paris,  for  the  provinces  are  now  delivered 
over  entirely  to  themselves,  or  to  a  horde  of  scoundrels  and 
factious  persons.  In  the  position  in  which  we  are,  with  the 
horrible  mistrust  they  are  always  trying  to  excite  against  us, 
it  is  impossible  that  we  should  not  do  publicly  all  that  is 
necessary  to  bring  back  every  one.  The  decree  of  the  parlia- 
ment proposed  at  the  council  of  the  princes  was  crazy ;  I  am 
not  astonished  that  it  was  rejected.  It  seems  to  me  that  the 
best  heads  in  that  of  Paris  would  reject  such  extravagance, 
and  not  desire  to  leave  their  place  here. 

I  understand  very  well  all  that  concerns  the  cipher,  but  you 
must  always  put  two  full  stops  when  two  words  end  at  the 
same  time  and  leave  the  j  and  v  ;  that  will  facilitate  things 
for  us.  We  have  read  very  easily  all  that  was  in  white ; 
but  in  future  the  king  will  dispense  with  ceremony ;  it  will 
be  easier  to  say  "  you  "  only.  I  also  desire  that  the  bishop, 
or  some  one  with  legible  writing,  shall  write  these  letters, 
and  not  you,  who  are  already  worn  out  with  writing.  You 
must,  by  the  next  safe  opportunity,  send  us  word  how  much 
money  we  have  outside,  at  Brussels  and  in  Holland,  and  the 
name  of  the  bankers.  Send  me  word  also  what  we  owe  to 
Mme.  de  Korff,  and  how  and  when  we  can  pay  it. 

As  Marechal  de  Castries  is  right-minded,  the  baron  [de 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  181 

Breteuil]  might  agree  with  him  as  to  our  interests  and  our 
ideas;  so  that  he  could  go  to  Coblentz  and  speak  in  our 
name  to  our  brothers.  We  will  try  to  find  some  one  to  send 
to  him  from  us  with  the  authorization.  I  should  like  it  to  be 
the  Baron  de  Viomesnil,  but  I  do  not  know  if  he  would  be 

willing. 

November  7. 

I  hope  that  this  letter  can  go  to-morrow.  It  ought  to 
have  gone  the  3d,  but  the  person  was  delayed  by  his  affairs, 
and  I  preferred  to  wait,  to  be  sure  it  was  safely  delivered. 
This  person,  who  starts  to-morrow  morning,  returns  soon.  I 
think  the  opportunity  is  safe. 

Is  it  true  that  the  King  of  Sweden  has  sent  a  minister  to 
the  princes  at  Coblentz  ?  I  am  much  afraid  they  will  force 
the  king  here  to  write  a  letter  to  the  King  of  Sweden  with 
his  own  hand  on  present  affairs ;  if  that  happens,  it  will  be 
only  another  proof  of  his  non-liberty.  No  ministry  yet. 
Mme.  de  Stael  is  bustling  much  for  M.  de  Narbonne.  I 
have  never  seen  a  stronger  or  more  intricate  intrigue.1 

The  answer  of  the  emperor  to  the  acceptance  contains, 
they  say  (I  have  not  yet  seen  it),  a  very  good  phrase,  which 
may  prepare  the  way  for  the  congress,  provided  he  keeps  to 
it,  and  makes  haste  to  announce  it ;  for  in  spite  of  the  appar- 

1  The  Russian  ambassador  in  Paris,  M.  Simolin,  writes  of  this  appoint- 
ment thus  :  "  No  one  in  society  has  a  more  brilliant  mind  than  this  new  can- 
didate ;  he  spent  his  youth  with  men  of  letters,  whom  he  surpassed  in  the 
piquancy  and  wit  of  his  poems.  He  had  a  stormy  youth,  and  Madame 
Adelaide  covered  his  follies  several  times  with  great  liberalities.  Mme. 
de  Stael,  the  Swedish  ambassadress,  long  possessed  M.  de  Narbonne's 
heart ;  she  quitted  him  two  years^  ago  for  the  Bishop  of  Autun,  his  best 
friend.  M.  de  Narbonne,  audacious  in  character,  and  ambitious  on  prin- 
ciple, will  certainly  not  fail  to  upset  everything  in  the  department  they 
are  going  to  confide  to  him  ;  all  the  legations,  the'  embassies,  the  bureaux 
will  be  made  over  new,  and  his  ministry  may  perhaps  prove  an  epoch  of 
extraordinary  changes  in  French  politics."  (Letter  of  M.  de  Simolin  to 
Mme.  de  Sullivan.    November  4, 1791.)  —  Tb. 


182  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  tii. 

ent  quiet  at  Coblentz,  heads  are  much  excited  and  it  is  to  be 
feared  that  the  princes  cannot  control  them  much  longer. 
I  must  give  my  letter  to-morrow  morning,  so  I  must  finish  it. 
Adieu. 

My  sister  has  shown  me  a  letter  from  Monsieur,  dated 
from  Brussels,  to  justify  the  one  that  he  wrote  to  the  king, 
in  which  he  says  that  you  had  announced  to  him  that  the 
king  wished  to  charge  him  with  everything  during  his 
imprisonment.  I  warn  you  of  this  in  case  the  same  thing 
should  be  said  where  you  are  ;  as  for  us,  we  know  very  well 
all  about  it.     Adieu. 

Queen  Marie-Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen. 

November  7,  1791. 
Be  perfectly  easy ;  never  will  I  let  myself  go  to  these 
madmen ;  we  must  use  them  to  prevent  great  evils,  but  as  for 
good,  I  know  very  well  they  are  not  capable  of  it.  Adieu  ;  I 
am  tired  out  with  writing ;  never  have  I  done  such  work,  and 
I  am  always  afraid  of  forgetting,  or  of  putting  in  stupidities 
[line  missing].  ...  I  see  that  all  the  aristocrats  and  demo- 
crats are  rabid  against  the  Baron  de  Breteuil ;  I  am  uneasy 
at  seeing  you  with  him.  It  is  to  Coblentz  and  the  emigres 
that  we  owe  this  cruel  persecution ;  they  have  said  so  much 
about  our  acting  solely  by  the  baron's  advice,  declaring  that 
he  has  all  our  secrets,  that  the  ministry  and  the  madmen 
here  are  beginning  to  talk  of  it. 

Count  Fersen  to  Queen  Marie-Antoinette. 

November  11,  1791. 

The  bishop  [of  Pamiers]  goes  to  Paris.  I  will  send  you 
by  him  a  long  detail  of  your  position  and  of  what  I  imagine 
there  is  to  do.  It  is  very  necessary  that  you  should  write  to 
Spain  and  Russia  to  claim  their  help,  and  convince  them 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  EERSEN.  183 

that  you  do  not  abandon  yourself  wholly  to  the  Constitu- 
tion. Your  letter  to  Kussia  can  go  through  Simolin ;  that  to 
Spain  by  BreteuiL  One  word  to  Sweden  would  be  well,  and 
I  will  send  it.  By  this  means,  you  will  prevent  those 
Powers  from  letting  themselves  go  to  the  princes  when 
they  see  that  you  wish  to  act  for  yourselves.  It  would  be 
well  to  speak  of  the  congress  which  you  have  asked  the 
emperor  to  call,  and  tell  them  that  you  will  explain 
more  in  detail  your  projects,  in  which  you  hope  they  will 
concur. 

Send  me  word  if  you  have  sufficient  confidence  in  M.  de 
Laporte  for  the  bishop  to  send  letters  by  him  as  if  they  were 
from  the  baron. 

I  cannot  sufficiently  tell  you  how  important  it  is  that  you 
should  write  as  soon  as  possible  to  Sweden  and  Russia  con- 
fidentially, to  prevent  them  from  giving  themselves  over  to 
the  princes  under  the  conviction  that  you  will  never  do  any- 
thing. This  first  letter  to  the  king  would  be  only  to  say 
that  you  hope  for  the  friendship  and  interest  he  has  already 
testified  for  you,  which  you  trust  he  will  continue  to 
testify ;  that  your  position  requires  the  greatest  caution,  but 
that  you  will  shortly  let  him  know  with  confidence  what 
your  plans  are,  and  that,  knowing  his  noble  and  generous 
way  of  thinking,  you  do  not  doubt  he  will  second  them  with 
all  his  power,  and  employ  his  influence  with  the  empress  to 
decide  her  in  your  favour,  and  with  the  princes  to  prevent 
them  from  committing  any  rash  act  which  might  thwart 
your  plans.  Your  letter  to  the  empress  could  be  the  same, 
flattering  her  a  little.  In  this  way  they  can  be  made  very 
useful  to  you.  Before  writing  the  other  letters  wait  until 
the  Bishop  of  Pamiers  brings  you  the  memorial.  I  am 
writing  of  your  position  outside  of  France ;  you  can  then 
judge  better  what  there  is  to  do,  and  of  the  plan  of  conduct 


184  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE    OF        [chap.  vii. 

which  I  shall  propose  to  you.  Never  write  to  me  through 
M.  de  Mercy ;  he  can  decipher  all  your  letters. 

Stael  has  just  received  a  furlough  of  three  months,  with 
orders  to  leave  Paris  immediately. 

Do  not  forget  to  tell  me  to  say  something  amiable  from 
you  and  from  the  king  to  M.  Crawford ;  he  deserves  it  so 
much ! 

Queen  Marie-Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen. 

November  25,  1791. 

I  await  the  bishop  with  much  impatience.  Here  is  a  note 
for  the  Baron  de  Breteuil ;  it  is  an  extract  from  a  long 
memorial  the  king  has  written  to  render  account  to  himself 
of  all  that  he  has  done  in  these  days.  The  paper  is  very  well 
written;  but  besides  having  arguments  in  it  which  are  not 
necessary,  it  is  much  too  long  to  put  into  cipher. 

Our  position  at  this  moment  is  terrible,  the  factious  are 
ceaselessly  at  work ;  the  people  are  ready  at  any  moment  to 
rise  and  commit  horrors ;  the  republicans  employ  all  means 
to  excite  them.  I  believe,  nevertheless,  that  if  we  are  wise, 
we  can  gain  much,  and  sooner  than  we  think,  from  this  very 
excess  of  evil;  but  great  prudence  is  needful.  Without 
foreign  help  we  can  do  nothing  [six  lines  missing],  .  .  .  but 
the  paper  I  mentioned  will  go  to-morrow,  by  another  oppor- 
tunity ;  I  prefer  that,  being  afraid  to  make  too  thick  a  packet ; 
inside  you  will  find  two  letters  in  white  ink,  one  for  Spain, 
the  other  for  Sweden ;  we  do  not  dare  write  otherwise.  You 
must  bring  out  the  writing ;  the  baron  can  take  charge  of  the 
one  for  Spain.  If  you  think  them  bad,  burn  them  and  let  me 
know ;  also  let  me  know  what  we  ought  to  write.  The  word 
of  the  cipher  is  cause  ;  I  do  not  know  if  it  is  in  all  its  letters, 
for  I  was  obliged  to  get  some  one  to  write  it.  There  is  noth- 
ing for  you  in  it,  so  Breteuil  can  decipher  it.     M.  de  Stae'l 


1791]  COUKT  AXEL  FERSEN.  185 

has  not  gone.    He  comes  every  day  to  Court.     Adieu ;  it  is 
nearly  two  o'clock. 

Annexed  to  the  foregoing. 

Extract  from  the  memorial  of  King  Louis  XVI. 

t  All  policy  should  be  reduced  to  setting  aside  the  ideas  of 
invasion  which  the  Emigres  may  perhaps  undertake  alone ;  it 
would  be  a  great  misfortune  for  France  if  the  interests  of 
the  SmigrSs  were  put  forward  on  the  first  line ;  and  if  they 
had  the  assistance  of  only  a  few  Powers.  Who  can  say  that 
others,  like  England,  would  not  furnish,  secretly  at  least,  aid 
to  the  other  side,  and  take  advantage  of  the  unhappy  state 
of  France,  which  is  rending  itself  to  pieces. 

The  Smigres  must  be  convinced  that  they  can  do  no  good 
between  now  and  the  spring ;  that  their  interests  as  well  as 
ours  demand  that  they  shall  cease  to  cause  uneasiness.  We 
feel  that  if  they  think  themselves  abandoned  they  will  rush 
into  excesses  that  ought  to  be  avoided ;  we  must  therefore 
give  hopes  to  some  of  them  for  next  spring,  and  provide  for 
the  wants  of  the  others. 

A  congress  would  attain  the  desired  end;  it  might  con- 
tain emigres,  and  alarm  the  factious.  The  Powers  should 
agree  together  on  the  language  to  hold  to  all  parties.  A 
combined  action  among  them  could  only  redound,  not  be  in- 
jurious, to  the  interests  of  the  king  —  besides  their  personal 
interests.  Occasions  may  arise  when  these  interventions 
would  be  necessary ;  if,  for  instance,  an  attempt  were  made 
to  establish  a  republic  on  the  ruins  of  the  monarchy. 
Neither  is  it  possible  that  they  should  see  without  uneasi- 
ness Monsieur  and  the  Comte  d'Artois  not  returning  [to 
France],  and  the  Due  d'Orl^ans  the  nearest  to  the  throne: 
what  subjects  for  reflection ! 

The  firm  and  uniform  language  of  all  the  Powers  of 


186  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OP         [chap.  vii. 

Europe,  supported  by  a  formidable  army,  would  have  most 
fortunate  results ;  it  would  temper  the  ardour  of  the  emigres, 
whose  role  would  then  become  secondary,  the  factious  would 
be  disconcerted,  and  courage  would  revive  among  good  citi- 
zens, friends  of  order  and  of  the  monarchy. 

These  ideas  are  for  the  future  and  for  the  present.  The 
Powers  have  many  reasons  for  wishing  to  have  an  under- 
standing with  each  other;  these  reasons  are  given  in  the 
memorial  sent  six  weeks  ago  to  M.  de  Mercy. 

The  king  cannot,  and  will  not  retract  of  himself  what 
has  been  done ;  the  majority  of  the  nation  must  desire  him 
to  do  so,  or  he  must  be  forced  to  it  by  circumstances ;  in  this 
case,  he  must  acquire  confidence  and  popularity  by  acting  in 
accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution.  By  causing 
it  to  be  executed  literally  its  vices  will  be  recognized,  and, 
especially,  the  anxiety  caused  by  the  emigres  will  be  re- 
moved. If  they  make  an  irruption  without  an  overwhelm- 
ing force  France  and  the  king  will  be  destroyed.  The  Baron 
de  Viomesnil,  who  has  been  spoken  to  on  this  subject,  can 
develop  the  general  ideas  contained  in  this  memorial. 

Memorial  of  Count  Fersen,  written  for  Queen  Marie- 
Antoinette.1 

Brussels,  November  26,  1791. 

From  all  that  I  have  written  you  of  the  slowness  of  the 
emperor  and  his  want  of  active  good-will  for  you,  of  which  I 
am  convinced  by  all  that  I  saw  myself  in  Vienna,  and  by  the 
means  that  he  never  ceases  to  employ  to  paralyze  the  good- 
will of  the  other  Courts  and  prevent  them  from  acting  (of 

1  This  memorial  is  very  long  and  is  shortened  here ;  the  parts  omitted 
being  indicated  in  the  text.  It  will  be  found  in  "  Le  Comte  de  Fersen  et 
la  Cour  de  France,"  vol.  i.,  pp.  233-256.  Firmin-Didot  et  Cie,  Paris, 
1878.  — Th. 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  EERSEN.  187 

which  I  will  some  day  give  you  positive  proofs),  I  think  it 
necessary  that  you  should  adopt  another  plan  of  conduct; 
but  before  proposing  it  I  ought  to  give  you  a  correct  idea  of 
your  position  outside  of  France. 

The  Powers  which  sincerely  desire  to  help  you,  such  as 
Spain,  Russia,  Sweden,  and,  possibly,  Prussia,  see  as  yet  in  the 
king's  acceptance  [of  the  Constitution]  and  in  all  his  conduct 
only  weakness;  above  all,  in  his  subsequent  conduct,  for 
which  they  do  not  feel  the  necessity,  even  granting  a  neces- 
sity for  the  acceptance.  They  fear  that  your  intention  is  to 
do  nothing  and  continue  to  go  on  feebly,  and  always  by  the 
Constitution ;  they  feel  the  danger  of  that  example ;  and,  as 
the  restoration  of  the  monarchy  touches  their  own  political 
interests,  they  will  ally  themselves  with  the  princes  rather 
than  allow  so  monstrous  a  government  to  be  established  in 
France. 

The  other  Powers,  such  as  the  Empire,  Holland,  and  Eng- 
land, to  whom  the  debasement  of  France  may  be  of  some 
advantage,  will  seek  under  different  pretexts  to  prevent  the 
effect  of  the  good  dispositions  of  the  others,  but  without 
declaring  themselves.  It  is  useful  to  them  that  disorder  and 
anarchy  should  continue,  and  that  the  kingdom  should  thus 
become  weaker  without  their  seeming  to  have  any  hand  in  it, 
and  without  its  costing  them  anything. 

The  King  of  Spain  is  very  well-disposed ;  all  his  interests 
unite  to  come  to  the  help  of  the  king,  and  the  assurances 
that  he  gives  are  positive.  The  emperor  alone  chooses  to 
doubt  them.  .  .  .  The  conduct  of  the  King  of  Spain  at  this 
moment,  and  the  assurance  which,  I  am  informed,  he  has 
given  to  Vienna,  that  he  will  never  recognize  the  king's 
acceptance,  will  show  you  that  you  cannot  doubt  his  good 
intentions.  It  will  suffice  if  you  direct  them,  and  make  them 
concur  to  a  common  end  concerted  with  you.     The  Kings  of 

Ver.  8  13  Mem. 


188  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  vh. 

Sardinia  and  Naples  will  follow  the  lead  of  Spain.  I  have 
positive  assurances  of  the  favourable  way  of  thinking  of  the 
King  of  Poland,  but,  whatever  be  his  good-will,  his  political 
position  does  not  allow  him  to  act  in  any  way. 

After  what  took  place  at  the  interview  at  Pillnitz,  and 
after  all  that  M.  de  Bischofswerder  told  me  in  Vienna  and 
has  never  ceased  repeating  to  the  emperor  in  the  most  earnest 
manner,  namely,  that  his  master  [the  King  of  Prussia]  was 
all  ready  to  act  in  your  favour ;  that  50,000  men  were  pre- 
pared to  march  at  the  first  requisition,  on  condition  that  the 
emperor  did  the  same ;  that  he  would  act  in  harmony  with 
him  in  all  the  steps  he  might  indicate,  and  that  the  treaty 
just  signed  between  them  would  assure  the  emperor  of  his 
intentions ;  and  finally,  after  what  the  King  of  Prussia  him- 
self sent  you  word  by  M.  de  Moustier,  we  certainly  ought 
to  count  upon  him ;  at  any  rate  enough  not  to  fear  that  he 
will  be  against  you,  or  that  he  would  oppose  what  the  other 
Powers  may  try  to  do  in  your  favour.  .  .  . 

The  inclinations  of  the  Empress  of  Kussia  are  not  equivo- 
cal ;  they  are  even  too  pronounced,  and  might  be  dangerous 
if  influenced  by  others  than  yourself,  and  unless  you  can 
bring  them  to  concur  in  a  plan  of  operations  formed  by  you 
and  concerted  with  her.  The  two  millions  she  has  given  to 
the  princes,  the  letter  of  authorization  which  she  gave  Count 
Komanzoff  to  treat  with  them  (for  it  was  not  a  letter  ac- 
crediting him,  merely  a  simple  cabinet  letter  letting  them 
know  they  could  rely  on  what  he  said  to  them  from  her),  — 
all  this  proves  the  desire  that  she  feels  to  help  you ;  but  not 
being  in  any  way  informed  of  your  projects,  she  takes  the  one 
means  that  seems  to  her  proper,  and  the  only  one  that  remains 
to  her.  The  emperor's  slowness  has  inspired  her  with  dis- 
trust as  to  his  desire  to  serve  you.  .  .  .  The  warmth  she 
puts  into  succouring  you  is  extreme ;  it  is  only  necessary  to 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  189 

temper  it  a  little  and  show  her  the  ways  and  means  of  serv- 
ing you.  For  that,  you  should  write  to  her,  claim  her  assist- 
ance, let  her  know  your  plans  and  concert  them  with  her. 

You  have  long  known  the  friendly  dispositions  of  the  King 
of  Sweden  and  the  ardour  that  he  puts  into  serving  you- 
But  his  spirit  is  eager  and  restless  and  needs  to  be  calmed ; 
it  is  solely  occupied  with  the  means  of  succouring  you,  and 
nothing  will  seem  to  him  too  costly  to-  reach  that  end.  You 
know  the  sacrifices  that  he  made  for  it  in  his  treaty  with  the 
empress,  and  all  his  actions  tend  to  that  object.  Here  are 
some  quotations  from  his  letters :  "  Rumours  are  flying 
about  as  to  the  sentiments  of  the  Court  [of  France]  towards 
the  princes,  which  are  very  unjust  to  them  and  very  injuri- 
ous to  the  common  interests,  so  that  I  cannot  believe  those 
tales;  give  me  weapons  with  which  to  defend  that  Court, 
especially  to  the  empress,  on  whose  mind  I  fear  these  things 
may  make  a  fatal  impression.  If  every  one  would  only 
believe  me,  we  should  not  wait  till  spring  to  act;  it  is 
merely,  as  I  think,  giving  time  to  the  factious  to  strengthen 
themselves."  And  he  ends  by  thus  speaking  of  the  king: 
"  Even  if  he  abandons  the  rights  of  his  son,  of  his  family,  of 
his  equals,  I  shall  not  abandon  them ;  I  shall  use  the  same 
ardour  in  serving  his  brothers  that  I  have  been  ready  to  use 
in  his  service ;  and  I  share  this  feeling  with  the  Empress  of 
Russia." 

The  King  of  Sweden  cannot  conceive  the  reasons  which 
prevent  you  from  trusting  to  the  good-will  of  the  princes; 
he  needs,  in  order  to  feel  that  necessity,  a  closer  and  more 
detailed  knowledge  of  your  position  than  he  has.  It  is  to 
give  it  to  him,  and  convince  him  of  the  necessity  of  your 
conduct,  that  we  are  bending  all  our  energies ;  but  a  friendly 
and  confidential  communication  of  your  situation  and  your 
projects  would  have  the  desired  effect ;  it  would  bring  him 


190  DIARY  AND   CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  vn. 

back  to  calmer  ideas ;  it  would  keep  him  from  acting  with 
the  princes  and  induce  him  to  concert  with  you ;  and  in  that 
position  his  zeal  and  that  of  the  Empress  of  Kussia  would  be 
very  useful  to  you.  You  could  even  use  the  influence  he  has 
on  the  princes  to  guide  their  conduct,  through  him,  without 
their  suspecting  it,  and  to  make  their  actions  tend  to  a  com- 
mon end  concerted  with  the  other  Powers.  Denmark  can 
have  no  other  will  than  that  which  Sweden  and  Eussia 
dictate  to  her. 

England  sees  with  pleasure  the  evils  that  are  devastating 
France.  The  disorder  and  anarchy  which  reign  there  pro- 
mise her,  more  and  more,  the  degradation  of  that  Power.  It 
is  to  her  advantage  that  they  should  continue,  and  whatever 
may  be  the  private  sentiments  of  the  King  of  England  and 
the  general  horror  of  the  English  for  the  means  that  have 
been  employed,  he  will  never  do  anything  to  check  them. 
But,  at  the  same  time,  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that 
the  English  ministry  will  never  contribute  to  foment  the 
trouble,  or  to  hinder  the  effect  of  the  good-will  of  the  sover- 
eigns who  desire  to  succour  the  King  of  France ;  on  the 
contrary,  there  is  every  appearance  that  the  King  of  Eng- 
land is  awaiting  the  moment  when  the  other  powers  declare 
themselves  in  favour  of  the  king  to  do  so  himself ;  but  with- 
out that  preliminary  he  will  always  remain  in  his  present 
passive  state.  This,  at  least,  is  the  opinion  of  a  man  who, 
by  his  mind,  his  knowledge,  and  the  relations  he  has  with 
his  own  country,  is  better  prepared  than  any  one  to  see 
its  true  intentions :  I  mean  Mr.  Crawford ;  and  in  the  jour- 
ney he  has  kindly  made  to  England,  out  of  attachment  to 
you  and  to  your  service,  he  convinced  himself  of  these 
dispositions.  .  .  . 

Holland  is  absolutely  dependent  on  England;  neverthe- 
less, it  is  for  her  interests  to  see  the  germs  of  democracy 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  191 

smothered,  or  they  will  reach  her  territory  and  destroy  the 
work  of  the  Stadtholder. 

The  emperor  deceives  you.  He  will  never  do  anything  for 
you,  and  under  the  specious  pretext  of  your  personal  safety 
and  of  fulfilling  your  wishes  in  not  acting  with  the  princes, 
he  abandons  you  to  your  fate  and  allows  the  total  ruin  of  the 
kingdom  to  be  consummated.  He  delivers  you  up  to  the 
hatred  of  the  nobles,  whom  he  reduces  to  despair  and  drives 
in  that  way  to  some  desperate  action,  —  equally  dreadful  for 
you  if  it  succeeds,  by  throwing  you  absolutely  into  depend- 
ence on  them,  if  it  fails,  by  taking  from  you  all  means  of 
action  and  exposing  you  still  further.  Already  you  can  see 
the  effect  by  the  decree  just  hurled  at  the  emigres  and  by  the 
letter  of  Vicomte  d'Agoult,  which  the  Baron  de  Breteuil 
sends  you.  The  emperor  is  personally  well-disposed,  but  he 
has  neither  vigour,  nor  means,  nor  character  to  take  a  course 
and  cany  it  through  against  the  opinion  of  his  ministry. 
He  is  weak  and  kind ;  he  does  not  know  how  to  resist  his 
Council,  which  is  slow,  feeble,  undecided,  timid,  —  afraid 
of  compromising  itself.  Besides  which,  the  humiliation  of 
France  enters  into  its  policy  as  a  means  of  obtaining  for 
Austria  a  greater  preponderance  in  Europe. 

The  indiscretion  with  which  the  emperor  has  made  known 
to  the  whole  world  that  he  receives  letters  from  you,  and  the 
little  effect  he  has  given  to  his  good-will,  make  it  generally 
concluded  that  you  write  to  prevent  him  from  acting.  Your 
enemies  use  this  to  spread  about  that  you  are  opposed  to  all 
enterprises ;  that  the  desire  to  rule,  and  the  fear  of  being 
ruled  made  you  prefer  to  accept  the  Constitution  and  side 
with  the  factious,  rather  than  owe  the  restoration  of  your 
authority  to  the  princes  and  the  SmigrSs.  They  assert  that 
you  would  rather  lose  the  kingdom  than  a  part  of  that 
authority, —  with  a  thousand  other  tales,  one  more  absurd  than 


192  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF        [chap.  vii. 

the  other.  These  ideas  are  spread  among  the  nobles  and  are 
believed  by  them ;  very  sensible  men,  to  whom  you  were 
attached,  are  inclined  to  adopt  them.  Baron  de  Breteuil  is 
regarded  here  as  your  agent  for  this  purpose,  and  since  his 
arrival  the  great  majority  of  the  French  will  not  see  him. 
I  feel,  as  you  do,  how  little  notice  should  be  taken  of  such 
injustice,  and  you  are  unfortunately  accustomed  to  worse ; 
but  in  the  position  in  which  you  are,  in  the  uncertainty  as  to 
events  which  may  arise,  we  must  try  to  destroy  these 
rumours,  and  let  the  result  of  what  you  will  have  done  for  the 
emigres  prove  to  them  and  to  all  Europe,  at  a  future  day,  the 
falsehood  of  these  tales.  For  this,  a  plan  should  be  adopted 
and  followed  with  all  possible  activity ;  and  here  is  the  one 
I  now  propose  to  you  :  — 

If  it  is  true,  as  I  believe,  that  you  cannot  rely  upon  the 
emperor,  you  absolutely  must  turn  your  hopes  another  way, 
and  that  way  can  only  be  the  North  and  Spain  —  which 
ought  to  decide  Prussia,  and  so  compel  the  emperor.  Of  all 
the  Powers  of  Europe  those  are  the  ones  on  whose  disin- 
terestedness you  can  most  rely.  Their  geographical  position 
precludes  all  views  of  conquest,  and  their  political  position 
binds  them  to  the  maintenance  of  the  French  monarchy. 
They  should  be  asked :  (1)  not  the  recall  of  their  ambas- 
sadors from  France,  but  their  departure  on  leave  of  absence. 

(2)  the  immediate  assembling  of  a  congress,  the  pretexts 
to  be  those  you  have  already  suggested  to   the  emperor; 

(3)  the  despatch  of  troops  to  support  the  congress  and 
make  its  deliberations  respected ;  or,  if  the  season  does  not 
admit  of  the  assembling  of  troops,  then  to  make  such 
arrangements  as  shall  prove  the  intention  to  march  them  as 
soon  as  possible. 

This  action  of  the  Powers  of  Europe,  which  you  will  not 
appear  to  have  instigated  and  which  cannot  expose  you,  will 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  193 

inspire  great  alarm,  the  effect  of  which  will  probably  be  to 
fling  France  into  the  arms  of  the  king ;  and  the  king,  being 
the  sole  person  with  whom  the  congress  could  treat,  will 
find  himself  naturally  the  mediator  between  his  people  and 
the  Powers ;  he  will  obtain  from  his  people  the  means  of 
acting,  while  indicating  to  them  the  course  they  ought  to 
follow  under  the  circumstances.  The  princes  and  the 
emigres  would  then  become  useful ;  their  conduct  and  actions 
being  regulated  by  the  congress. 

But  as  it  would  be  impossible  without  a  leader  of  some 
sort  to  obtain  any  result,  and  as  the  king,  not  being  free,  can- 
not be  that  leader,  the  King  of  Spain  should  be  invited  to 
take  that  role ;  as  head  of  the  House  of  Bourbon  he  has  more 
right  to  it  than  any  other ;  and  the  refusal  he  has  given  to 
recognize  the  king's  acceptance  of  the  Constitution  gives  him 
great  facilities.  Eussia  and  Sweden  will  easily  adopt  this 
idea,  which  has  already  been  broached  to  them,  and  by  indi- 
cating to  the  Court  of  Madrid,  in  concert  with  those  two 
powers,  the  course  to  follow,  you  will  have  less  to  fear  from 
Spanish  slowness  and  indecision. 

I  do  not  think  it  desirable,  however,  to  break  with  the 
emperor  or  startle  him ;  he  should  be  managed  and  treated 
circumspectly ;  also,  in  spite  of  the  just  grounds  for  distrust 
which  you  have  as  to  the  sincerity  of  his  interest  for  you, 
you  must  not  let  him  perceive  that  distrust,  and  preserve  an 
air  of  confidence  in  him  always. 

If  you  adopt  this  new  plan l  it  will  be  necessary  that  you 
should  yourself  inform  all  the  well-intentioned  Powers 
whose  assistance  you  decide  to  claim,  such  as  Spain,  Russia, 
and  Sweden.  Perhaps,  too,  a  letter  to  the  King  of  Prussia 
might  be  useful,  judging  by  what  he  said  to  the  King  of 
Sweden.  You  ought,  after  thanking  the  King  of  Spain  for 
1  It  was  adopted. 


194  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF        [chap,  vil 

all  that  he  has  done  for  you,  for  the  manner  in  which  he 
received  your  protest  in  1789,  for  the  firmness  he  shows  at 
this  moment,  to  make  him  a  picture  in  brief  of  your  present 
position,  and  show  him  the  impossibility  of  remaining  as  you 
are;  you  should  then  communicate  to  him  the  plan  you 
adopt ;  ask  him,  in  virtue  of  the  friendship  and  interest  he 
has  already  shown  you,  and  those  you  have  a  right  to  hope 
from  him  through  ties  of  blood,  to  take  charge  of  your 
interests  before  the  Foreign  Powers  and  support  the  demands 
you  may  be  in  the  way  of  making  to  them ;  say  to  him  that 
no  one  has  more  right  than  he  to  be  the  head  of  the  league 
which  will  restore  your  authority  and  repair  the  insults 
offered  during  the  last  two  years  to  the  House  of  Bourbon ; 
and  that  you  would  rather  owe  the  obligation  to  him  than  to 
any  one.  Inform  him  that  you  have  asked  the  emperor  for 
the  assembling  of  a  congress ;  and  request  the  king  to  pro- 
pose an  armed  congress  and  point  out  to  him  the  pretexts. 
Say  that  you  will  make  the  same  communication  to  Sweden 
and  Eussia,  whose  dispositions  are  known  to  you,  and  ask 
him  to  concert  with  those  two  Powers  as  to  the  steps  to  take, 
and  say  that  you  wish  to  use  the  influence  that  those  Courts 
possess  over  the  princes  to  guide  their  conduct.  Beg  him  to 
rouse  the  zeal  of  Prussia,  which  has  given  you  positive 
assurances  of  interest  through  M.  de  Moustier,  and,  if 
you  decide  to  write  to  the  King  of  Prussia,  tell  him  so. 
You  should  end  by  representing  to  the  King  of  Spain  how 
necessary  it  is  not  to  lose  time,  but  to  adopt  prompt  meas- 
ures. Ask  him  also  to  use  his  influence  with  Portugal, 
Sardinia,  and  Naples;  or,  perhaps,  charge  the  Baron  de 
Breteuil  to  speak  with  the  Neapolitan  ambassador  who  is 
here:  then,  after  a  few  compliments,  add  that  you  do  not 
doubt  he  will  consent  to  give  you  these  proofs  of  a  friend- 
ship on  which  you  have  always  relied.    It  will  be  well 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  195 

to  add  that  Baron  de  Breteuil  remains  in  charge  of   your 
correspondence.  .  .  . 

Your  position  is  becoming  daily  more  and  more  critical; 
France  is  advancing  with  great  strides  to  its  ruin.  The 
factious  are  working  incessantly  to  make  you  lose  the  little 
popularity  you  were  beginning  to  gain,  and  the  veto  of  which 
the  king  has  just  made  use  is  a  means  they  will  not  fail  to 
lay  hold  of.  You  already  know  the  rumours  that  are  spread 
about  you  outside  of  France  for  the  purpose  of  alienating  the 
nobles  from  you;  they  are  trying  to  degrade  you  at  the 
Courts  by  representing  all  your  acts  as  the  result  of  weak- 
ness ;  and  if  you  do  not  quickly  issue  from  the  state  in 
which  you  are,  you  will  be  abandoned  by  all  parties  and 
delivered  over  wholly  to  the  mercy  of  factious  persons  and 
republicans,  who  will  then  have  no  further  obstacle  to  the 
execution  of  their  guilty  projects.  The  steps  which  I  have 
just  indicated  towards  the  Powers  of  Europe  can  alone  save 
you ;  they  will  restore  to  you  outside  of  France  the  considera- 
tion you  deserve ;  they  will  prove  to  the  Courts  the  falseness 
of  the  imputations  against  you,  and  they  will  give  you  an 
opportunity  of  acting  by  yourself  and  of  calling  back  to  you 
the  nobles,  alienated  by  a  hundred  foolish  tales  which  your 
present  inaction  seems  to  warrant.1  .  .  . 

By  all  that  I  have  now  said  you  will  see  how  necessary  it 
is  to  take  a  course  as  soon  as  possible  and  inform  me  of  it. 
You  cannot  stay  in  the  position  in  which  you  are ;  and 
you  have  everything  to  fear  from  Coblentz  and  the  emigres, 
some  of  whom  act  in  good  faith,  others  in  bad.  Baron  de 
Breteuil  behaves  very  well;  he  is  entirely  devoted  to  you. 

1  It  is  of  course  quite  plain  that  in  writing  thus  to  the  queen  Count 
Fersen  was  really  addressing  the  king ;  his  sense  of  Louis  XVI.'s  weakness 
and  lethargy  pierces  through  these  sentences.  —  Ta. 


196  DIARY  AND   CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  vii. 

As  for  me,  have  no  uneasiness ;  I  am  no  longer  anything  to 
the  French ;  I  serve  the  King  of  Sweden  and  I  have  no  deal- 
ings with  them ;  the  only  way  in  which  I  can  be  pleasantly 
and  safely  among  them  is  to  be  always  a  foreigner.  They 
treat  me  extremely  well  and  with  distinction ;  they  fear  me 
because  they  know  I  have  no  need  of  them ;  I  run  no  risk 
whatever.  But  I  think  it  necessary  that  you  should  take  a 
course,  and  a  course  which  cannot  be  charged  in  the  eyes  of 
Europe  with  weakness  —  otherwise  the  Powers  will  be  forced 
to  turn  away  from  France  and  have  nothing  more  to  do  with 
her  but  by  very  distant  intercourse. 

As  for  my  departure  from  Brussels,  whatever  desire  I  have 
to  satisfy  and  tranquillize  you,  it  is  impossible.  I  am  here 
by  order  of  my  king  and  I  cannot  absent  myself.  I  am 
charged  with  his  affairs;  he  has  ordered  all  his  ministers 
and  ambassadors  to  correspond  with  me  here  and  to  be 
guided  by  what  I  may  convey  to  them.  You  see  therefore 
that  I  cannot  leave  my  post.  But  you  can  be  tranquil ;  I 
run  no  risk. 

Answer  me,  I  beg  of  you,  at  the  earliest  moment  as  to  what 
course  you  mean  to  take :  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to  write 
to  the  different  Courts ;  it  must  be  as  soon  as  possible ;  there 
is  not  a  moment  to  lose.  You  will  risk  nothing  in  writing 
to  Prussia,  and  it  is  necessary.  Except  the  letter  to  Spain, 
you  can  send  all  the  others  here  by  a  safe  man  to  me,  or  to 
the  baron,  and  we  will  send  them  on  by  courier.  But  all 
this  requires  the  greatest  promptitude,  for  the  season  is 
getting  late.  I  received  your  long  letter  yesterday ;  but  M. 
de  Mercy,  thinking  it  was  for  him,  read  it  before  he  gave  it 
to  me.  It  would  be  better  not  to  send  again  through  him,  or 
at  least  to  make  a  second  inclosure  and  write  him  a  line  to 
say  to  whom  it  is  to  be  given. 

What  you  tell  me  of  your  home  grieves  me,  but  does  not 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  197 

surprise  me ;  you  are  doomed  to  bear  all  evils  at  once !  I 
understand  very  well  what  you  say  about  the  cipher;  we 
will  use  it  thus :  we  will  put  one  full  stop  [.]  at  the  begin- 
ning ;  and  when  there  is  a  letter  skipped  we  will  put  two 
full  stops  [:].  There  is  another  manner,  which  is  less  long, 
and  of  which  we  had  better  make  use,  namely,  to  squeeze 
the  juice  of  a  lemon  into  a  glass  and  write  with  it ;  the  writ- 
ing should  be  between  the  lines  of  a  gazette  or  pamphlet ; 
which  can  be  sent  to  me,  addressed  either  to  "  Rignon  "  or 
simply  to  me.  I  will  write  to  you  in  the  same  way  and 
send  the  pamphlet  to  the  Comte  de  Coigny,  the  Due  de 
Choiseul,  or  to  Goguelat ;  inform  them  of  this.  If  you  have 
confidence  in  M.  Laporte  it  would  be  safer  and  more  con- 
venient to  send  through  him,  and  to  use  the  three  others 
only  occasionally.  Answer  me  as  to  this.  You  must  be 
careful  that  the  printed  lines  are  far  enough  apart  and  that 
the  paper  is  good  enough  not  to  blot.  This  way  is  brought 
out,  like  white  ink,  by  warming  it. 

You  have  no  money  in  Brussels.  M.  de  Bouill^  remitted 
to  the  princes  the  five  or  six  hundred  thousand  francs  which 
remained.  As  for  that  which  I  sent  into  Holland  for  you,  I 
will  send  you  the  details  as  soon  as  I  have  a  moment  to 
look  them  up.  You  will  lose  at  least  one  quarter ;  for  two 
thousand  they  give  me  here  but  fifteen  hundred. 

You  see  by  the  refusal  of  the  emperor  what  you  have  to 
expect ;  I  am  not  content  with  him  or  with  M.  de  Mercy. 
He  is  very  well  for  me  and  for  you  in  words,  but  results  do 
not  follow,  and  it  is  absolutely  necessary  that  you  should  act 
for  yourself,  or  else  renounce  doing  anything  and  decide  to 
stay  as  you  are.  I  do  my  best  to  restrain  the  King  of 
Sweden,  but  it  is  not  easy,  for  he  has  the  empress  with  him ; 
if  he  is  once  assured  that  you  will  do  nothing  it  will  be  im- 
possible to  restrain  him. 


198  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  tii. 

Sunday  the  news  was  spread  that  you  had  escaped  and 
had  arrived  at  La  Marck's  house  at  Kaismes.  All  the  French 
were  wild ;  many  started ;  all  who  doubted  were  regarded  as 
bad  citizens.  Baron  de  Viomesnil  had  you  on  his  arm  with 
the  dauphin ;  the  Due  de  Choiseul  had  the  king,  disguised 
as  a  woman.  No  one  ventured  to  give  me  the  news  or  even 
speak  of  it,  or  ask  me  if  it  were  true.  They  never  speak  to 
me  of  affairs,  nor  I  to  them  ;  I  keep  them  at  a  great  distance. 
It  is  a  horror  to  have  spread  this  story ;  and  they  are  now 
endeavouring  to  find  out  whence  it  came.  M.  de  Nicolai 
and  M.  de  Simon  were  the  first  to  spread  it  here ;  it  is  thought 
it  came  from  Coblentz  or  even  from  Paris,  to  prevent  your 
departure,  if  such  were  your  intention. 

Answer  me  as  to  the  possibility  of  my  going  to  see  you, 
entirely  alone  without  a  servant,  in  case  I  receive  an  order 
from  the  king  to  do  so ;  he  has  already  said  a  word  to  me 
about  his  desire  for  it. 

Baron  Thugut  told  Mr.  Crawford  that  you  implored  the 
emperor  with  clasped  hands  to  keep  quiet  and  do  nothing 
for  you  ;  consequently  he  could  not  act. 

Count  Fersen  to  Queen  Marie- Antoinette. 

Brussels,  December  4,  1791. 

I  have  received  your  letters  of  the  25  th  and  26th.  We 
will  send  those  to  the  Kings  of  Sweden  and  Spain  in  cipher. 
They  are  admirable.  If  you  decide  to  write  the  second 
letters  we  will  send  both  in  the  original.  The  Note  is  per- 
fect.    I  have  given  it  to  the  baron. 

I  deeply  feel  the  horror  of  your  position,  but  it  will  never 
change  without  foreign  assistance,  or  by  excess  of  the  evil. 
The  present  evil  may  give  place  to  another ;  but  you  would 
be  always  miserable,  and  the  kingdom  would  fall  into  disso- 
lution.    Never  will  you  win  the  factious;  they  have   too 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  199 

much  to  fear  from  you  and  your  character.  They  feel  their 
wrong-doing  too  much  not  to  fear  vengeance  and  not  to  keep 
you  always  in  your  present  state  of  captivity,  even  prevent- 
ing you  from  using  the  authority  given  you  in  the  Constitu- 
tion They  will  accustom  the  people  to  no  longer  respect  you 
and  love  you.  The  nobles,  believing  themselves  abandoned 
by  you,  will  think  they  owe  you  no  duty ;  they  will  act  for 
themselves,  by  themselves,  and  with  the  princes ;  they  will  re- 
proach you  with  their  ruin,  and  you  will  lose  the  attachment  of 
all  parties,  some  of  whom  will  accuse  you  of  having  betrayed 
them,  others  with  having  abandoned  them.  You  will  be 
lowered  in  the  eyes  of  the  Powers  of  Europe,  who  will  accuse 
you  of  cowardice,  and  the  weakness  for  which  they  blame 
you  will  prevent  them  from  allying  themselves  to  a  ruined 
cause  which  can  never  be  of  any  utility  to  them.  In  the 
fear  the  King  of  Sweden  now  feels  that  you  will  do  nothing, 
but  await  all  from  time  and  from  events  of  which  you  can 
foresee  nothing,  being  unable  to  control  them  and  unwilling 
to  make  use  of  the  princes,  he  writes  me  as  follows :  — 

"The  Empress  of  Eussia  is  very  much  dissatisfied  with 
this  conduct ;  especially  because  the  Queen  of  France  writes 
letter  after  letter  to  the  emperor  to  prevent  him  from  acting 
while  she,  the  empress,  is  using  all  her  influence  on  his  mind 
to  induce  him  to  take  active  steps.  The  empress  herself 
writes  this  to  me." 

In  speaking  of  the  dissatisfaction  that  such  conduct  in- 
spires he  says :  — 

"  Judge  yourself  what  would  be  the  position  of  the  queen 
if  the  king  should  die,  and  she  saw  herself  at  the  mercy  of 
her  two  brothers-in-law  and  of  a  noblesse  who  could  "reproach 
her  with  having  sacrificed  them  and  with  being  the  sole 
cause  of  their  ruin  and  their  proscription." 

The  king  gives  me  positive  assurances  of  the  good  inten- 


200  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF        [chap.  vn. 

tions  of  Russia  and  Spain,  hopes  as  to  those  of  Prussia,  and 
about  the  neutrality  of  England. 

From  all  this  you  see  that  both  for  interest  and  for  honour, 
it  is  indispensable  that  you  should  take  a  course  Pardon 
the  zeal  and  the  attachment  that  I  have  vowed  to  you,  and 
which  will  never  cease  to  inspire  me  for  you,  if  I  show  you 
hard  truths ;  but  I  know  you  are  capable  of  hearing  them, 
and  nothing  can  stop  me  when  it  is  necessary  to  serve  you. 
Besides,  I  think  it  is  a  duty  to  hide  nothing  from  you. 

I  think  it  certain  that  M.  de  Mercy  returns  to  Paris.  This 
is  a  great  misfortune  for  us.  It  ought  to  prove  to  you  once 
more  all  that  I  have  said  to  you  about  the  emperor,  and  how 
little  you  can  rely  upon  him..  If  you  accept  the  plan  I 
have  proposed  you  should  write  a  letter  to  the  emperor  at 
the  earliest  possible  moment.  Perhaps,  learning  of  your 
action  towards  the  other  Courts,  he  may  change  his  course ; 
this  is  all  the  more  important  as  one  of  the  reasons  of  M. 
de  Mercy's  journey  to  Paris  is  doubtless  to  influence  your 
conduct  and  direct  it  according  to  the  desires  and  interests 
of  the  Court  of  Vienna. 

Queen  Marie-Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen. 

December  7, 1791. 

Here  are  our  last  two  letters.  I  do  not  know  if  you  will 
be  satisfied  with  them.  I  have  tried  to  put  in  all  you  told 
me,  but  it  is  very  difficult  for  one  who  has  not  the  habit  of 
writing.  On  re-reading  your  papers  I  see  that  in  our  two 
long  letters  we  forgot  a  great  quantity  of  things;  happily, 
they  were  not  the  most  essential. 

You  could  not  believe  the  pleasure  I  have  had  in  seeing  the 
bishop ;  I  could  not  leave  him.  I  desired  so  much  to  write 
you  by  him  if  only  a  word,  [line  missing]  .  .  .  but  I  could 
not  find  a  moment.     He  will  tell  you  many  things  from  me ; 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  201 

especially  about  new  acquaintances  and  intimacies  [liaisons]. 
I  found  him  very  severe ;  I  thought  I  had  already  done  a 
great  deal,  and  that  he  would  admire  me.  Not  at  all;  he 
told  me  point  blank  that  I  could  not  do  too  much.  —  But, 
joking  apart,  I  am  keeping  for  you,  in  the  happy  days  when 
we  shall  meet  again,  a  volume  of  very  curious  correspond- 
ence ;  and  all  the  more  curious  because  one  must  do  justice 
to  those  who  have  taken  part  in  it ;  no  one  in  the  world 
suspects  it,  and  if  it  is  spoken  of,  it  is  so  vaguely  as  to 
be  thought  one  of  the  thousand  absurdities  that  are  told 
daily. 

I  did  not  need  the  letter  of  the  sans  torts  ["blameless 

one  "]  to  hold  him  in  horror ;  the  bishop  will  tell  you  what 

right  I  have  to  detest  him ;  he  is  the  most  dangerous  one  of 

all,  and  perhaps  the  only  one  really  to  fear.     It  is  absolutely 

impossible  that  you  should  come  here  at  this  moment;  it 

would  be  to  risk  our  safety;  and  when  I  say  this  I  may 

be  believed,  because  I  have  an  extreme  desire  to  see  you.  —  I 

have  just  received  a  letter  from  M.  de  Mercy,  who  complains 

bitterly  of  the  conduct  at  Coblentz  against  the  emperor.     He 

says  :  "  They  are  trying  to  excite  all  Germany  against  him ; 

they  inflame  Sweden,  and  above  all,  Eussia."     He  himself 

proposes  that  I  shall  write  to  the  latter  Court  to  enlighten 

it,  and  strengthen  its  good  intentions  by  regulating  them.     I 

am  going  to  answer  him  that  we  have  already  written  to 

thank  Eussia,  without  entering  into  other  particulars  with 

him.     The  bishop  will  tell  you  that  in  consequence  of  the 

emperor's  extreme  indiscretion  I  think  he  ought  not  to  be 

told  of  the  other  correspondences.     M.  de  Mercy  has  an  air 

of  wishing  to  come  here ;  I  think  he  is  urged  to  it  by  my 

friends  the  madmen  here.     His  coming  would  do  great  harm 

at  this  time,  and  could  do  no  good ;  on  the  contrary,  it  would 

cause  a  hundred  thousand  more  tales  about  me.    Moreover, 


202  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE   OF        [chap.  vii. 

such  a  step  would  sharpen  still  further  the  anger  of  the 
emigres  against  the  emperor  and  me. 

You  must  have  received  the  Baron  de  Viomesnil.  I  do 
not  know  what  M.  de  Breteuil  will  have-  said  to  him ;  but  it 
is  becoming  rather  embarrassing.  I  think  we  must  throw  it 
all  upon  the  slowness  and  delays  of  the  emperor,  which  pre- 
vent us  from  saying  anything  positive.  The  indiscretion  of 
Coblentz  is  too  great;  nothing  can  be  confided  to  them;  I 
was  confounded  by  receiving,  a  few  days  ago,  a  letter  from 
that  stout  d'Agoult  saying :  "  We  await  with  impatience  the 
fat  Lorraine  baron,  so  that  the  union  may  be  perfect  between 
here  and  where  you  are."  —  Can  you  conceive  of  it !  Oh  ! 
this  accursed  nation !  how  unfortunate  to  have  to  live  among 
them  and  owe  them  service  ! 

Our  position  is  rather  better  since  the  bishop  left.  It 
seems  that  all  which  calls  itself  constitutional  is  rallying  to 
make  a  great  force  against  the  republicans  and  the  Jacobins ; 
they  have  drawn  a  great  part  of  the  Guard  to  their  side, 
especially  the  Guard  on  pay,  which  will  be  organized  and 
formed  into  regiments  in  a  few  days.  They  have  the  best 
intentions,  and  are  burning  to  make  an  example  of  the 
Jacobins.  The  latter  are  committing  all  the  atrocities  of 
which  they  are  capable,  but  at  present  they  have  only 
brigands  and  scoundrels  with  them :  I  say  "  at  present " 
because  from  one  day  to  another  everything  changes  in  this 
country,  and  none  can  tell  where  they  are.  The  department 
is  to  bring,  to-day  or  to-morrow,  its  address  to  the  king  against 
the  decree  of  the  priests ;  I  am  delighted,  because,  even  if  it 
does  no  good,  at  least  it  declares  war  among  the  parties  and 
forces  this  one  by  this  very  step  to  rally  to  the  king  and 
sustain  him.  The  address  is  composed  by  a  M.  Gamier  and 
put  in  shape  by  Duport  and  Barnave ;  but  this  is  a  secret. 

Count  Louis  de  Narbonne  is  at  last  minister  of  war ;  what 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  203 

glory  for  Mme.  de  Stae'l !  and  what  pleasure  she  will  now 
take  in  having  the  army  —  hers !  He  could  be  useful,  if  he 
chose ;  having  intelligence  enough  to  rally  the  constitutionals 
and  quite  the  tone  in  which  to  speak  to  the  present  army. 
In  other  respects,  he  seems  inclined  to  attach  himself  to  M. 
Bertrand  in  the  Council;  and  he  is  right;  for  that  is  the 
only  member  of  it  who  is  worth  anything.  Can  you  conceive 
my  position  and  the  role  that  I  am  obliged  to  play  all  day 
long?  Sometimes  I  do  not  recognize  myself,  and  I  am 
obliged  to  reflect  and  see  if  it  is  really  I  who  am  speaking. 
But  what  else  can  I  do  ?  it  is  all  necessary.  Believe  me, 
we  should  be  much  lower  than  we  now  are  if  I  had  not 
taken  this  course  at  once ;  at  least  we  gain  time  by  it,  and 
that  is  what  we  want.  What  happiness  if  I  could  one  day 
become  able  to  prove  to  these  wretches  that  I  was  not  their 
dupe ! 

The  baron  must  press  our  cause  on  Russia  and  Spain. 
What  a  misfortune  that  the  emperor  has  betrayed  us!  If 
he  had  served  us  well,  merely  from  the  month  of  September 
when  I  wrote  to  him  in  detail,  the  congress  might  have  been 
established  next  month ;  and  how  fortunate  that  would  have 
been  for  us,  because  a  crisis  is  advancing  with  great  strides 
here ;  perhaps  it  will  precede  the  congress,  and  then,  what 
shelter  shall  we  find  ?  —  Beware  of  Prussia ;  M.  de  Schulem- 
burg  writes  constantly  to  M.  du  Moustier,  and  if  M.  Heymann 
discovers  anything  he  will  let  M.  de  Giliers  know  of  it. 

The  address  of  the  department  has  come ;  it  is  perfectly 
good  as  to  the  discussion  of  the  decree  of  the  priests,  but  the 
wretches  are  frightened  and  have  put  in  a  mass  of  imper- 
tinences. M.  de  Narbonne  made  his  entrance  to  the  As- 
sembly in  a  speech  of  almost  unbelievable  platitude  for  a 
man  of  intelligence.     I  am  waiting  for  Mr.  Crawford  with 

impatience ;  but  I  am  sorry  for  you  that  he  leaves  you ;  I 
Ver.  8  14  Mem. 


204  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE   OF        [chap.  vii. 

hope  they  will  not  pass  the  winter  here,  and  that  he  will  go 
back  to  Brussels,  for  you  need  distraction.  I  am  impatient 
for  your  secretary  to  arrive.  How  is  your  health  ?  I  will 
wager  you  do  not  take  care  of  it ;  and  you  do  wrong.  As 
for  me,  I  bear  up  better  than  I  could  expect  under  the  im- 
mense fatigue  of  mind  I  have  incessantly,  and  seldom  going 
out  of  doors;  I  have  not  a  moment  to  myself,  what  with 
persons  I  must  see,  and  the  writings,  and  the  time  I  am 
with  my  children.  That  last  occupation,  which  is  not  the 
least,  is  my  only  happiness  .  .  .  and  when  I  am  very  sad  I 
take  my  little  boy  in  my  arms  and  kiss  him  with  all  my 
heart,  and  it  comforts  me  for  that  moment. 

Adieu.  The  idea  of  the  chocolate  is  excellent ;  it  is 
doubly  useful  to  you,  and  I  shall  use  it  with  prudence,  but 
sometimes  this  winter.     Adieu,  again. 

Friday,  9th. 

I  have  just  received  your  letter  inclosed  in  an  image.  I 
am  delighted  that  you  have  received  mine.  I  hope  our  let- 
ters to  the  Powers  will  calm  them  and  show  them  our  true 
natures.  What  they  say  of  my  letters  to  the  emperor  is  in- 
comprehensible;  for  some  time  past  I  have  suspected  that 
my  writing  is  being  imitated  to  deceive  him;  I  will  clear 
this  up.  M.  de  Mercy  will  do  very  wrong  to  come  here  ; 
but  I  think  that  I  must  write  him  a  word  about  our  letters 
to  the  Powers.  Send  me  a  line  at  once  when  you  receive 
this  packet.  I  have  not  been  able  to  finish  the  letter  to  the 
king  in  a  better  manner ;  for  twenty-four  hours  I  have 
turned  it  in  every  way. 

I  think,  as  you  do,  that  evil  alone  cannot  work  for  good ; 
and  for  that  reason  we  must  have  the  help  of  a  foreign  and 
external  force ;  but  when  you  think  that  Frenchmen  reflect 
and  are  capable  of  following  a  system  you  do  them  too  much 
honour ;  I  assure  you  that,  for  the  mere  pleasure  of  change, 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  205 

they  will  return  as  quickly  as  they  have  been  rabid  for  the 
new  order  of  things.  Meanwhile,  I  believe  we  are  going  to 
declare  war,  not  against  a  power  which  has  means  to  fight 
us  —  we  are  too  cowardly  for  that  —  but  against  the  Elec- 
tors and  a  few  princes  of  Germany,  in  the  hope  that  they 
cannot  defend  themselves.  These  imbeciles  cannot  see  that 
if  they  do  such  a  thing  they  serve  us ;  because  if  they  begin 
the  war,  all  the  Powers  must  unite  to  defend  the  rights  of 
each.  But,  if  so,  the  latter  need  to  be  well  convinced  that 
in  this  we  are  executing  only  the  will  of  others,  and  that 
the  best  way  of  serving  us  is  to  fall  upon  us  bodily. —  The 
bishop  will  have  told  you  the  difficulty  there  is  in  writing 
to  me.  .  .  .  Adieu. 

Count  Fersen  to  Queen  Marie-Antoinette. 

Brussels,  December  12, 1901. 

The  letters  to  Spain  and  Eussia  have  arrived,  they  are  per- 
fect. I  await  those  for  Sweden  and  Prussia.  There  is  still 
another  step  which  is  very  necessary ;  it  is  to  write  yourself 
to  the  Queen  of  Spain  a  letter  of  politeness  and  confidence, 
referring  to  the  one  to  the  king,  and  making  her  feel  the 
necessity  for  the  greatest  secrecy,  on  account  of  Paris.  You 
know  the  influence  she  has,  and  this  step  cannot  be  too 
quickly  taken.  You  can  send  it  to  me  by  diligence,  in  a 
box  of  Bouc  tea,  addressed  to  MM.  Daniel  Danoot,  Sons, 
bankers. 

M.  de  Viomesnil  has  passed  through  Brussels.  The  em- 
peror is  trying  to  make  a  close  alliance  with  Prussia,  Hol- 
land, and  England.     It  is  thought  that  England  will  refuse. 


206  DIARY  AND   CORRESPONDENCE  OF       [chap.  vhi. 


CHAPTEE  VIII. 

1791-1792.  Proposal  of  the  King  of  Sweden  to  rescue  the  King  and  Queen 
of  France  declined  by  the  King.  —  Louis  XVI.  compelled  to  declare  war 
against  the  Princes  of  Germany.  —  Further  Negotiations  for  a  Congress. 

[The  scheme  of  the  King  of  Sweden  for  a  descent  on  the 
coast  of  Normandy  having  failed  for  this  year,  he  generously 
meditated  another  plan  of  escape  for  the  unhappy  royal 
family,  which  he  submitted  to  the  King  and  Queen  of  France 
in  a  very  interesting  document  (dated  December  22,  1791), 
which  he  charged  Count  Fersen  to  deliver  to  Their  Majesties 
in  person.  The  count,  who  had  been  proscribed  in  France 
since  the  flight  to  Varennes,  went  to  Paris  disguised  and  under 
a  false  name.  He  arrived  there  February  11, 1792,  saw  Their 
Majesties,  gave  them  the  document  and  letters,  and  discussed 
with  them  the  question  of  another  escape.  The  king  de- 
cided against  making  the  attempt,  and  the  count  left  Paris 
February  21,  reaching  Brussels  safely  on  the  25  th. 

The  correspondence  between  the  queen  and  Fersen  con- 
tinued as  before;  plans  for  organizing  the  armed  congress, 
and  for  concentrating  the  armies  of  the  Powers  along  the 
frontiers  of  France  went  on ;  the  King  of  Sweden  still  pur- 
sued nis  idea  of  invading  Normandy,  carrying  off  the  king 
and  queen  and  their  children  and  taking  them  to  England, 
when  all  was  brought  to  a  sudden  end  by  the  death  of  the 
Emperor  Leopold,  March  2,  1792,  and  by  the  far  more 
disastrous  death  of  the  King  of  Sweden,  who  was  shot  by 
Ankerstrb'm,  an  ex-captain  of  his  Guard,  March  16,  1792. 

The  death  of  the  brave  and  chivalrous  king  was  an 
irreparable  blow  to  the  cause  of  Louis  XVI.     The  Duke- 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  207 

regent  (Gustavus  IV.  being  a  minor  only  fourteen  years  of 
age)  was  not  willing  to  carry  out  the  plans  of  Gustavus  III. 
He  refused  to  join  his  troops  with  those  which  the  Empress 
of  Russia  still  desired  to  send  into  Normandy.  It  is  said 
that  history  may  some  day  show  that  the  Jacobins  had  a 
hand  in  the  intrigues  that  stopped  Sweden  from  giving  its 
promised  assistance  to  the  unfortunate  royal  family  of 
France.] 

The  King  of  Sweden  to  Count  Fersen. 

Stockholm,  December  22, 1701. 

The  memorial  for  the  King  of  France  which  I  send  you 
herewith,  together  with  letters  which  I  have  written  to  T. 
V.  C.  Majesties,  will  put  you  completely  au  fait  as  to  all 
that  regards  the  affairs  of  France,  and  will  serve  for  your 
instruction  regarding  the  conduct  you  have  to  follow  in  the 
commission  with  which  I  have  charged  you.  I  will  add 
only  that  I  regard  as  the  most  essential  thing  for  the  success 
of  our  projects  that  the  royal  family  shall  escape  from  Paris 
at  the  earliest  possible  moment.  I  request  you,  therefore, 
and  before  all  else,  to  use  your  influence  to  make  the  king 
take  that  course,  on  which  all  the  rest  depends,  and  without 
which  the  measures  of  the  other  Powers  and  those  of  the 
princes  can  advance  very  little  towards  the  end  proposed. 

You  will  see  in  the  memorial  itself  what  action  I  think 
should  be  taken  to  avoid,  as  much  as  possible,  the  dangers 
attending  the  execution  of  such  a  project.  You  will  de- 
velop, better  than  I  could  do  in  writing,  the  expedient  of  a 
disguise,  which  I  have  only  indicated  as  a  safe  means  ;  and 
you  can  speak  to  the  king  and  queen  of  the  necessity  of 
sacrificing  on  this  occasion,  and  for  such  paramount  interests, 
comfort  and  conveniences,  the  momentary  deprivation  of 
which  cannot  be  put  into  comparison  with  the  object  of  this 
step,  on  which  the  whole  future  fate  of  the  kingdom  and  the 


208  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF     [chap.  viii. 

royal  family  depends.  But  for  this  it  is  absolutely  essen- 
tial that  the  king  shall  take  another  route  from  that  of  the 
queen  with  the  dauphin  and  Madame  Elisabeth ;  if  the  king 
will  go,  as  I  think  most  useful,  to  England,  and  the  rest  of 
the  royal  family  see  nothing  better  than  to  take  an  opposite 
direction,  we  must,  at  any  rate,  fix  their  point  of  reunion  only 
at  the  spot  whence  they  embark  for  England.  Without  this 
precaution  the  scenes  of  Varennes  may  easily  be  renewed, 
and  so  cause  to  vanish  for  a  very  long  time  the  hopes  their 
friends  found  upon  the  king's  flight,  if  he  succeeds  in  escap- 
ing with  his  family  the  slavery  in  which  factious  men  now 
hold  him. 

I  have  charged  Baron  Taube  to  write  you  at  full  length  in 
relation  to  the  details  of  this  project.  The  knowledge  you 
have  of  the  country  and  the  personages  make  you  more 
capable  than  any  other  to  judge  of  what  is,  or  is  not  practi- 
cable, and  I  rely  on  the  zeal,  activity,  and  skill  of  which  you 
have  already  given  such  marked  proofs.  I  thought  at  first 
of  proposing  to  the  Queen  of  France  the  courageous  course 
of  remaining  herself  in  Paris  with  the  dauphin,  to  facilitate 
the  king's  escape ;  but  on  further  reflection  I  thought  that 
such  resolutions  are  good  only  when  one  takes  them  one's  self ; 
it  is  difficult  to  advise  them.  I  do  not,  however,  regard  the 
step  as  very  dangerous  for  the  queen ;  the  king  saved,  no  one 
would  touch  her ;  and  as  for  the  dauphin  the  worst  that  could 
happen  to  him  would  be  to  be  proclaimed  King  of  France  in 
place  of  his  father ;  his  life  and  person  would  become  too 
precious  to  them  to  hurt.  The  queen  would  give  by  this  act 
a  great  proof  of  courage  and  generosity,  which  would  impress 
not  only  her  friends,  but  would  make  her  so  respected  in  the 
eyes  of  the  people  that  she  would  greatly  influence  all 
minds.  It  would  be  only  the  first  moment  after  the  king's 
escape  was  known  that  could  have  any  dangers  for  her ;  but 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  '  209 

besides  taking  all  precautions  and  doubling  the  guard,  or  else 
going  herself  with  the  dauphin  to  the  H6tel-de-Ville  and 
putting  herself  into  the  safe  keeping  of  the  municipality,  she 
would  captivate  all  minds  and  put  them  so  to  sleep  that  she 
could  later  save  herself  and  the  dauphin.  I  communicate 
these  reflections  to  you  that  you  may  use  them  or  keep  them 
to  yourself,  according  to  occurrences. 

Another  and  easier  plan  would  be  for  the  queen  and  her 
children  to  escape  from  Paris  and  conceal  themselves  some- 
where for  a  few  days  till  the  king  is  safely  out  of  France, 
when  they  could  take  another  route  and  escape  easily.  It  is 
the  quantity  of  persons  who  assemble  round  them  and  travel 
with  them  which  retards  the  flight  and  leads  to  discovery. 
For  this  reason,  it  is  essential  to  insist  that  the  king  and 
queen  take  different  routes ;  for  I  feel  sure  that  that  will  be 
the  point  most  difficult  to  obtain. 

As  for  what  concerns  the  congress,  you  will  have  seen  by 
my  former  letters  the  reasons  I  thought  myself  obliged  to 
oppose  to  it  so  long  as  there  was  hope  of  bringing  the 
emperor  to  conduct  more  analogous  to  the  circumstances. 
At  present  the  congress  seems,  on  the  contrary,  the  only 
way  to  reach  that  end.  I  intend,  consequently,  to  write  to 
the  Empress  of  Russia,  and  after  we  have  concerted  to- 
gether I  will  let  you  know  the  result,  which  will  serve 
you  for  instructions  in  the  matter.  Meantime  I  refer  you 
to  what  I  have  said  about  it  in  my  memorial  to  the  King 
of  France,  and  to  what  I  have  already  said  to  you,  — 
namely,  that  all  emissary  from  the  self-styled  National 
Assembly  must  be  excluded,  and  I  even  think  that  the  pres- 
ence of  an  envoy  from  H.  V.  C.  Majesty,  in  his  present 
position,  inadmissible  to  a  congress  for  which  the  rights  of 
the  people  of  Avignon  and  the  injured  rights  of  the  Princes 
of  Germany  are  made  the  pretext. 


210  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF       [chap.  viii. 

I  send  you  by  this  courier  the  passports  you  asked  for,  and 

also  a  letter,  accrediting  you  to  the  Queen  of  Portugal,  which 

will  screen  you  more  completely  from  all  insult  in  France. 

For  this  reason  I  have  directed  to  the  Queen  of  Portugal  the 

packets  here  inclosed  for  the  King  and  Queen  of  France.    On 

which  I  pray  God  to  have  you  in  His  holy  keeping,  being 

Your  very  affectionate 

Gustavus. 

Postscript.  I  add  herewith  copies  of  my  memorial  and  of 
my  letters  to  T.  V.  C.  Majesties.  You  will  keep  these  copies 
for  your  private  instruction;  and  when  you  start  for  Paris 
you  will  leave  them  locked  up  in  Brussels ;  so  that  you  may 
have  recourse  to  them  in  case  some  accident  should  oblige 
you  to  destroy  your  papers  on  the  road.  Of  the  two  letters 
for  the  queen,  you  will  see  that  the  longest  is  the  most 
voluminous;  and  after  what  you  find  [in  Paris]  you  will 
decide  to  make  use  of  one  or  the  other ;  you  will  then  decide 
which  of  them  should  be  given  to  the  queen.  I  leave  you  to 
choose  the  one  which  you  find  to  be  written  in  the  manner 
most  analogous  to  the  circumstances.1 

Last  Paragraph  of  the  King  of  Sweden's  Memorial  to  the 
King  of  France. 

The  king  has  now  placed  beneath  the  eyes  of  his  friend 
and  ally  all  the  reflections  that  his  zeal,  and  the  truest  friend- 
ship, and  the  most  sincere  interest  have  inspired  in  him. 
H.  M.  hopes  that  the  King  of  France  will  recognize  these 
sentiments ;  and  the  king  will  regard  it  as  the  finest  day  of 
his  life  if  he  can,  by  his  person  or  his  counsels,  contribute  to 

1  The  memorial  is  very  long,  and  goes  overground  already  known  to  us  ; 
it  closes  with  the  words  that  here  follow  in  the  text,  and  the  whole  will  be 
found  in  the  Appendix  to  vol.  i.  of  "  Le  Comte  de  Fersen  et  la  Cour  de 
France,"  pp.  281-292.  —  Tb. 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  211 

draw  the  King  of  France  and  the  French  monarchy  from  the 
fatal  condition  into  which  they  are  plunged.  The  sight  and 
the  enlightenment  of  men  are  limited ;  they  can  judge  only  by 
experience  and  the  examples  that  history  furnishes,  and  often 
fortuitous  incidents  upset  the  best-laid  plans.  But  kings  are 
born  to  command,  and  by  their  firmness  to  rule  events  when 
they  threaten  their  States ;  and  duty  calls  them  to  sacrifice 
themselves  for  their  posterity;  they  ought  not  to  hesitate; 
in  such  cases  the  most  perilous  course  is  the  safest.1 

From  the  King  of  Sweden  to  the  King  of  France :  Autograph 

Letter. 

Haga,  December  17,  1791. 

Monsieur,  my  brother  and  cousin : 

The  interest  which  I  do  not  cease  to  take  in  Y.  M.,  of 
which  you  will  find  proofs  that  are  not  equivocal  in  all  the 
steps  I  have  taken  hitherto,  has  prompted  me  to  write  a 
brief  memorial  on  your  present  situation.  I  beg  Y.  M.  to 
read  it  alone,  and  to  consult  none  but  your  own  heart,  your 
august  wife,  and  that  sister  whose  devotion  renders  her  so 
interesting  and  so  estimable.  You  ought  to  come  out  of  the 
state  in  which  you  are;  and  you  cannot  doubt  the  zeal  of 
your  friends.  It  is  with  these  sentiments  that  I  am,  Mon- 
sieur, my  brother  and  cousin, 

Your  Majesty's 

good  brother,  cousin,  friend,  and  ally, 

Gustavus. 

Postscript.  This  letter  was  written  and  about  to  be  sent 
when  I  received  that  of  Y.  M.  of  November  26th.     You  can- 

1  The  tone  of  the  brave  king  shows  plainly  his  sense  of  Louis  XVI.'s 
weakness,  if  not  cowardice.  Perhaps  his  advice  to  separate  the  king  and 
queen,  which  at  first  sight  seems  harsh,  may  have  been  dictated  to  his 
gallant  heart  by  a  fear  of  the  king's  nervous  folly,  which  did  much  to  stop 
them  on  the  road  to  Varennes.  —  Tb. 


212  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF      [chap.  tiii. 

not  doubt  for  a  moment  that  all  that  depends  on  me  is 
devoted  to  you,  but  I  cannot  answer  for  events  if  the  length 
of  delays  reduces  your  faithful  subjects  to  despair.  Y.  M. 
will  see  by  my  memorial  the  warm  interest  that  the  Empress 
of  Russia  takes  in  your  cause.  I  will  write  to  her  to-day, 
following  your  instructions ;  and  I  await  with  impatience  the 
second  letter  which  Y.  M.  is  good  enough  to  announce  to  me. 

Copy  of  Autograph  Letter  No.  1  from  the  King  of  Sweden  to 
Queen  Marie-Antoinette,  sent  to  Count  Fersen. 

Stockholm,  December  22, 1791. 

Madame,  my  sister  and  cousin : 

I  send  to  the  King  of  France  a  memorial  relating  to  pres- 
ent circumstances.  I  beg  Y.  M.  to  read  it  and,  if  you  think 
it  useful,  to  further  what  I  propose.  It  is  the  truest  friend- 
ship and  an  experience  of  popular  movements  which  I  have 
gained  in  the  course  of  a  long  life  which  have  dictated  it.  I 
beg  Y.  M.  to  consider  well  that  it  is  only  by  violent  remedies 
that  violent  ills  can  be  cured ;  and  that  if  moderation  in  the 
current  of  ordinary  life  is  a  virtue,  it  often  becomes  a  vice 
when  used  in  public  matters.  The  King  of  France  cannot 
re-establish  his  kingdom  except  by  recovering  his  former 
rights;  all  other  remedy  is  illusory;  all  other  conclusion 
will  only  open  the  door  to  endless  discussion,  which  will 
increase  confusion  instead  of  ending  it.  It  is  with  the  sword 
that  the  king  has  been  robbed  of  his  rights ;  it  is  with  the 
sword  that  he  must  regain  them. 

But  I  pause :  I  ought  to  remember  that  I  am  speaking  to 
a  princess  who  in  the  terrible  moments  of  her  life  has  shown 
a  most  intrepid  courage. 

Y.  M.,  in  reading  the  memorial,  will  at  least  do  justice  to 
my  sentiments  for  you,  and  to  the  interest  inspired  in  me  by 
your  sorrows  and  your  constancy. 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  213 

Copy  of  Autograph  Letter  No.  2  from  the  King  of  Sweden  to 
Queen  Marie-Antoinette,  sent  to  Count  Fersen. 

Stockholm,  December  22,  1791. 

Madame,  my  sister  and  cousin : 

It  is  nearly  two  years  since,  in  the  midst  of  the  war  in 
which  I  was  then  engaged,  but  profoundly  touched  by  the 
misfortunes  that  were  overwhelming  Y.  M.  and  the  King  of 
France,  I  expressed  to  the  latter  my  sincere  regret  at  not 
being  able  then  to  come  to  his  assistance.  Sincere  in  my 
protestations  and  constant  in  my  principles,  you  cannot 
doubt,  Madame,  how  much  I  feel  the  difference  in  my 
position,  now  that  the  peace  which  restores  the  union  of 
Eussia  and  Sweden  enables  me  to  offer  you  my  help  at 
this  moment  when  your  troubles  are  increasing. 

Y.  M.  is  not  ignorant  of  all  that  I  have  tried  to  do  to  save 
you  since  the  misfortune  at  Varennes,  and  if  at  that  mo- 
ment the  treaty  of  alliance  between  the  empress  and  myself 
had  been  concluded,  and  if  that  princess  had  then  had  her 
peace  made  with  the  Turks  I  do  not  doubt  she  would  have 
united  her  forces  with  mine  to  go  to  your  assistance ;  and 
Y.  M.  will  see  by  the  memorial  I  send  to  the  King  of  France 
what  zeal  and  ardour  the  empress  is  now  putting  into  your 
cause.  I  present  to  the  king  all  the  reflections  that  my 
friendship  and  the  interest  I  feel  for  you  both  dictate  to  me. 
Your  situation  is  violent,  and  you  must  issue  from  it  by  vio- 
lent means.  Whatever  be  the  peril  that  confronts  you,  it 
will  always  be  less  great  than  that  of  abandoning  your  fate 
to  events  and  leaving  to  others  the  merit  and  the  opportun- 
ity of  saving  the  kingdom. 

But  I  am  not  duly  reflecting  that  it  is  useless  to  speak  of 
peril  and  try  to  diminish  it  in  the  eyes  of  a  princess  who,  on 
the  6th  of  October,  showed  herself  with  such  intrepidity  to  the 


214  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF      [chap.  vni. 

eyes  of  a  furious  and  misguided  people,  and  who  has  since 
been  fed,  so  to  speak,  on  peril.  But  I  believe,  as  a  true 
friend  of  Y.  M.,  that  I  ought  to  insist  strongly  on  the  abso- 
lute and  imperative  duty  of  making  the  king  leave  Paris  and 
France.  Not  that  I  have  any  doubt  of  the  fidelity  of  his 
brothers,  or  of  the  greater  or  less  obedience  they  would  pay 
to  him  if  he  were  restored  to  the  throne  by  them  alone.  On 
the  contrary,  I  am  convinced  by  the  very  words  of  Monsieur 
and  the  Comte  d'Artois,  and  still  more  by  the  feelings  they 
showed  at  our  interview,  that  not  only  would  they  never 
presume  upon  the  advantage  that  service  would  give  them 
over  their  unfortunate  elder  brother,  but  that  those  by  whom 
they  are  surrounded  would  have  no  power  to  persuade  them 
to  evade  the  perfect  obedience  which  their  duty  towards  their 
king  and  brother  imposes  upon  them.  Neither  do  I  fear  for 
the  life  of  the  King  of  France,  nor  for  yours,  Madame,  in  case 
of  an  attack  by  the  princes.  I  am  convinced  that  the  factious 
regard  the  person  of  the  king  and  yours  as  the  sole  means  to 
save  themselves,  and  I  believe  that  you  will  be  more  impor- 
tuned by  the  negotiations  they  will  open  to  recover  favour 
then  alarmed  by  their  threats.  But,  unless  the  king  be  at 
liberty,  I  believe  it  to  be  almost  impossible  to  make  the  other 
sovereigns  act,  especially  the  emperor;  and  if  the  princes 
undertake  an  attack  alone  and  fail,  all  hope  is  lost ;  the  dis- 
couragement of  your  friends  will  increase  the  audacity  of 
your  enemies,  and  in  that  way  your  danger  becomes  in- 
calculable. 

By  the  picture  I  have  made  to  the  king  of  the  disposition 
of  the  crowned  heads,  Y.  M.  will  see  that  all  depends  upon 
himself.  I  have,  out  of  regard  for  you,  Madame,  softened 
as  much  as  I  could  the  proceedings  of  the  emperor ;  but  I 
think  I  owe  it  to  Y.  M.  and  to  the  true  friendship  that  I 
profess  for  you  to  tell  you  the  truth  without  alloy.     It  is 


791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  215 

essential  that  you  should  know  the  conduct  of  your  brother, 
in  order  that  you  may  remedy  it  and  force  that  prince,  so  to 
speak,  within  his  own  intrenchments.  He  has  done  nothing 
but  embarrass  and  stop  the  progress  of  negotiation.  After 
the  capture  of  the  king  at  Varennes,  he  put  himself  forward 
as  head  of  the  league  of  sovereigns  which  he  proposed  to 
form.  He  lost  time  in  negotiations,  though  fully  able  to 
march  his  troops  in  the  Low  Countries  at  once  into  France, 
where,  guided  by  M.  de  Bouille,  they  could,  in  the  state  of 
confusion  in  which  all  France  then  was,  have  reached  Paris 
easily.  Though  he  had  promised  you  to  send  orders  to  the 
archduchess,  governor  of  the  Low  Countries,  to  march  those 
troops  at  the  moment  of  your  attempted  evasion,  she  never 
received  them ;  they  did  not  arrive  until  three  weeks  after 
you  had  been  taken  back  to  Paris.  At  the  interview  at 
Pillnitz,  the  King  of  Prussia  offered  to  march  his  troops  in- 
stantly. The  emperor  would  not  consent.  He  wished  to 
wait  until  he  knew  the  answer  of  the  Empress  of  Eussia  to 
his  propositions,  —  although  that  princess  had  never  disguised 
from  him  her  sentiments  and  the  zeal  she  put  into  your 
cause ;  and  when  Prince  Hohenlohe  was  sent  by  the  King  of 
Prussia  to  Prague  to  settle  the  operations  and  the  marching 
of  the  troops,  he  obtained  neither  an  audience  of  the  emperor 
nor  an  answer.  And  finally,  when  the  news  of  the  accept- 
ance of  the  Constitution  came  the  emperor  would  not  see  in 
it,  as  the  rest  of  us  did,  the  effect  of  compulsion  and  tyranny. 
He  received  the  French  ambassador,  and  induced  the  King 
of  Prussia  to  do  the  same  and  to  make  a  reply  which  that 
prince  would  not  have  done  had  he  followed  his  own  feelings 
supported  by  letters  from  the  Empress  of  Eussia.  But  what 
is  still  more  fatal  is  that  the  emperor  makes  use  of  your 
letters,  Madame ;  and  thus,  covering  himself  with  the  aegis 
of  your  name,  he  embarrasses  even  your  most  sincere  friends ; 


216  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF      [chap.  viii. 

and  I  have  long  trembled  lest  these  representations  should 
cause  the  King  of  Spain  to  weaken  and  abandon  the  firm 
conduct  he  has  hitherto  maintained.  Happily,  that  prince, 
being,  as  a  Bourbon,  personally  interested  in  your  cause,  has 
continued  up  to  this  time  immovable  in  right  principles. 

There,  Madame,  is  the  truth  that  I  owe  you,  given  at  the 
risk  of  displeasing  you ;  it  is  in  the  discretion  of  Y.  M.  that 
I  confide.  You  will  feel  that  if  ever  your  brother  should  be 
informed  of  what  I  have  just  written  he  would  never  forgive 
me  for  it,  and  a  misunderstanding  between  us  might  be  in- 
jurious to  your  affairs,  —  all  the  more  because  I  am  persuaded 
that,  by  the  urgent  solicitations  of  the  Empress  of  Russia, 
and  provided  the  king  be  once  more  at  liberty,  the  emperor 
may  return  to  good  feelings  and  join  your  defenders. 

But  you  see  by  all  this  how  essential  it  is  to  put  the  king 
in  a  position  to  speak  the  language  that  becomes  him ;  to 
put  yourself,  Madame,  in  the  way  of  urging  your  brother  to 
succour  you,  —  a  succour  all  the  more  to  be  desired  because 
the  territories  of  the  emperor  surround  France  and  it  is 
through  them  or  by  the  sea  that  we  can  reach  you.  The 
pains  he  has  taken  to  set  aside  the  proposal  for  a  congress, 
which  by  its  results,  might  have  led  him  farther  than  he 
wished ;  the  pains  that  he  took  by  his  last  note,  to  induce  us 
to  make  a  declaration  which,  though  the  terms  were  threat- 
ening, was,  nevertheless,  in  recognition  of  the  present  state 
of  things  as  accomplished  in  France,  —  all  this  ought  to  prove 
to  Y.  M.  the  indispensable  necessity  of  drawing  your  friends 
from  error,  or,  to  express  it  better,  to  give  them  weapons 
with  which  to  plead  your  cause. 

The  measures  which  I  make  bold  to  propose  to  you  for 
your  escape  are  also  essential.  The  passage  to  England  is 
the  shortest  and  least  suspected,  and  I  implore  you  in  God's 
name  to  make  the  king  adopt  it,  and  to  employ  all  the 


2791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  217 

ascendency  you  have  acquired  over  his  mind  to  induce  him 
to  take  this  step.  I  have  instructed  the  person  who  will 
give  you  this  letter  in  all  that  I  do  not  venture  to  confide 
to  paper,  in  order  that  he  may  give  a  detailed  account  of 
it  to  Y.  M.  You  know  his  devotion ;  and  the  unequivocal 
sign  that  he  now  gives  of  it  in  bearing  to  you  this  packet 
through  great  perils  is  no  slight  thing.  It  is  a  proof  of  such 
great  attachment  that  it  rouses  all  my  gratitude  and  my 
admiration,  for  I  should  never  have  resolved  to  command 
him  to  go  had  he  not  offered  it  himself.  I  will  not  doubt  that 
a  zeal  so  rare  will  have  its  reward  in  the  fortunate  success 
of  his  commission.  For  myself,  Madame,  I  count  myself 
happy  in  proving  to  Y.  M.  that  in  whatever  position  you  find 
yourself  I  will  never  abandon  you,  and  never  cease  to  be, 
with  those  sentiments,  Madame,  my  sister  and  cousin, 

Your  Majesty's 
good  brother,  cousin,  friend,  and  ally, 

GUSTAVUS. 

Queen  Marie-Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen. 
No.  1.  December  22, 1791. 

I  received  your  little  letter  yesterday.  I  should  be  un- 
easy at  your  not  having  received  our  letters  if  the  date  of 
yours  were  possible;  you  have  dated  it  19  th  and  I  received  it 
21st ;  no  post  can  go  so  quickly.  I  had  already  received  four 
printed  sheets;  I  warmed  them,  and  wet  them  with  the 
liquid,  but  found  nothing. 

I  am  very  uneasy  at  getting  no  answer  to  the  last  letters. 
It  has  been  impossible  to  send  any  one  to  Vienna ;  I  could 
find  no  one  strong  enough,  or  sufficiently  safe  and  discreet 
for  that  errand.  I  am  sorry ;  it  is  very  important  that  the 
emperor  should  know  our  true  intentions,  and  that  I  should 
at  last  know  what  we  can  count  on  from  him  ;  for  without  it 


218  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF       [chap.  viii. 

I  shall  be  daily  dragged  into  taking  false  steps ;  my  lan- 
guage and  my  manner  to  the  people  about  me  ought  to 
change  according  to  what  we  ought  and  may  expect  from 
without.  I  am  strongly  inclined  to  send  you  M.  Goguelat, 
if  only  for  three  days,  that  he  may  talk  things  to  the  bottom 
with  you.  I  have  not  yet  spoken  to  him  of  this  idea.  Send 
me  word  what  you  think  of  it.  He  knows  nothing  of  my 
correspondence  with  the  persons  the  bishop  named  to  you ; 
he  must  not  be  told  of  it. 

There  is  talk  here  of  a  loan  of  forty  millions  which  the 
emigre  nobles  want  to  raise  upon  their  property ;  this  is 
madness,  and  it  will  end  by  the  pillage  of  their  estates.  If 
the  baron  has  the  means  of  doing  so,  he  must  let  our 
brothers  know,  and  we  authorize  him  to  do  it,  that  we  cannot 
approve  of  this  idea,  which  will  be  the  ruin  of  those  good 
people. 

I  have  missed  the  opportunity  to  send  this  letter.  Begin- 
ning with  this  one  I  shall  number  them  all  that  go  by  the 
post  either  in  white  ink  or  in  cipher.  Do  the  same.  We  must 
keep  a  bit  of  paper  on  which  to  mark  them  down  and  see 
that  none  are  missing.    Adieu. 

Count  Fersen  to  Queen  Marie-Antoinette. 

December  22,  1791. 

I  hope  you  have  received  the  letter  in  which  I  proposed  to 
you  to  write  to  the  Queen  of  Spain.  I  think  that  step 
important.  Also  it  will  be  well  in  the  end  to  write  to  the 
King  of  England  and  the  Stadtholder ;  but  the  time  for  that 
has  not  come.  Send  me  word  if  you  will  decide  to  do  it. 
Baron  de  Breteuil  has  invited  M.  de  Brautzen,  who  is  very 
well-intentioned  for  you  and  whom  it  would  be  good  to  treat 
well,  to  write  to  the  Stadtholder  [the  archduchess  Marie 
Christine],  with  whom  he  is  reconciled,  asking  her  to  induce 


■ 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  219 

the  King  of  Prussia  to  come  out  more  firmly,  and  also  to 
make  a  definite  proposal  to  the  emperor,  which  would  prove 
to  all  Europe  the  falsity  of  the  doubts  the  latter  casts  on  his 
good-will  and  show  that  the  inaction  comes  only  from  the 
emperor.  These  propositions  will  not  compromise  him ;  for 
he  is  always  master  of  acting  only  as  much  as  the  emperor 
acts. 

It  is  very  important  that  you  should  put  your  papers  in  a 
safe  place  where  they  cannot  be  discovered,  for  you  ought 
to  be  prepared  for  everything. 

M.  de  Toulangeon  —  the  one  who  came  from  Franche- 
Comte' — was  hurt  by  the  coldness  with  which  his  good 
intentions  were  received.  Do  you  not  think  that,  without 
too  highly  distinguishing  them,  it  would  be  well  to  show  to 
persons  of  good-feeling  and  good-will  certain  marks  of  kind- 
ness? No  one  knows  better  than  you  how  to  use  that 
money. 

The  Duke  of  Brunswick  is  a  man  of  intelligence,  talents, 

and  a  great  ambition.     Do  you  not  think  it  important  to 

win  him  ?     He  has  always  liked  France ;  and  the  French 

service  is  the  one  he  would  have  chosen  by  preference  in 

which  to  place  his  son,   of  whom   he   is   very   fond.     An 

advance  toward  him  might  do  great  good  and  promote  your 

affairs  in  Prussia.     He  could  be  made  to  hopd  something  for 

his  son.     If  you  think  this  useful,  a  rather  distinguished 

man,  who  would  please  him,  should  be  sent  to  him.     The 

Marquis  de  Castries  would  be  good  for  that,  or  failing  him, 

M.  de  Bouille\     Let  me  know  if  you  adopt  this  idea.     I  have 

not  yet  spoken  to  the  baron  about  it,  but  I  am  sure  he  will 

approve.    Your  letters  for  Sweden  and  Prussia  have  not  yet 

arrived,  and  I   feel  uneasy.     Sending  by  diligence  is  the 

safest  and  surest  way.    Your  letter  for  Spain  went  by  the 

Comte  de  Seuil  by  way  of  England,  the  Marquis  de  Bom- 
Ver.  8  15  Mem. 


220  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF      [chap.  viii. 

belles,  who  is  to  carry  the  one  to  Russia,  has  not  yet  arrived 

here. 

Monday. 

We  learned  yesterday  of  the  step  the  king  has  taken;  as  I 
am  ignorant  of  the  reasons  and  the  object,  I  must  own  to  you 
that  it  astounds  and  grieves  me.1  I  fear  that  they  have  given 
you  treacherous  advice.  I  fear  that  you  have  taken  hastily 
a  step,  good  in  itself,  and  which  might  have  been  useful  to 
you  at  another  moment  if  concerted  with  the  Powers,  and  if 
the  latter  had  been  ready  to  act  for  you  by  seeming  to  sus- 
tain the  German  princes.  I  think  the  king  ought  to  have 
let  himself  be  forced  by  the  Assembly,  and  then,  yielding  to 
their  desire,  have  represented  to  them  how  embarrassing  such 
action  was  at  a  moment  when  peace  was  needed  for  the 
establishment  of  the  Constitution,  for  the  restoration  of  the 
finances,  for  the  security  of  the  public  debt,  and  to  avoid 
increased  taxation  upon  the  people. 

As  it  is  now,  I  see  only  a  source  of  embarrassment  for  you, 
additional  dangers,  and  the  bad  effect  that  this  will  have  in 
Europe.  It  will  be  attributed  to  the  weakness  already  laid 
to  you ;  discouragement  will  take  hold  of  the  friendly  Powers ; 
in  fact,  what  idea  can  those  to  whom  you  have  just  addressed 
letters  and  on  whom  you  have  sought  to  rely  have  when  they 
learn  from  the  public  newspapers  so  important  a  step,  with- 
out knowing  its  motives  or  being  warned  of  it  by  M.  de 
Breteuil  ?    They  will  be  tempted  to  believe  you  have  only  a 

1  The  decree  of  .the  Legislative  Assembly  against  the  emigre's,  compelling 
their  return  to  France  under  penalties  of  death  and  confiscation,  was 
vetoed  by  the  king  November  14, 1791 ;  he  also  vetoed,  November  27th,  a 
decree  of  the  Assembly  forbidding  all  priests  who  had  not  taken  the  civil 
oath  to  exercise  their  ministry.'  On  the  14th  of  December  the  king,  to  mod- 
ify the  effect  of  his  vetoes,  went  in  person  before  the  Assembly  and  made  an 
explanation,  ending  by  virtually  threatening  to  declare  war  against  the 
princes  of  Germany.  See  Thiers'  "  Histoire  de  la  Revolution  Francaise," 
vol.  ii.,  pp.  20-39.  — Te. 


1791J  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  221 

half-confidence  in  him ;  and  that  belief  will  make  his  negoti- 
ations more  difficult ;  they  will  even  suspect,  and  with  some 
foundation,  your  intentions,  and  the  confidence  you  appeared 
to  place  in  them  will  seem  doubtful.  Having  adopted  the 
plan  proposed,  no  important  step  should  have  been  taken 
without  consulting  them ;  or,  at  least,  without  consulting  M. 
de  Breteuil,  who,  being  better  informed  as  to  the  disposition  of 
those  Powers  would  have  told  you  the  effect  such  a  step 
would  have ;  or,  at  least,  he  would  have  been  in  a  position 
to  give  them  the  reasons  that  led  you  to  take  it,  and  so  pre- 
vent the  bad  impression  it  will  produce. 

I  know  there  are  circumstances  in  which  you  might  be 
obliged  to  decide  and  act  promptly ;  but  as  you  can  always 
foresee  the  possibility  of  this,  we  ought  to  be  informed  and 
the  step  delayed  long  enough  for  letters  to  reach  us  before 
the  public  papers,  and  thus  enable  us  to  guide  the  first  im- 
pressions to  the  side  most  favourable  to  you.  I  know  that 
confidence  cannot  be  given,  and  I  am  far  from  asking  more 
than  you  wish  to  grant  to  me;  your  interests  alone  guide 
me  and  will  ever  guide  me ;  and  even  if  you  could  doubt  the 
views  and  projects  of  M.  de  Breteuil,  I  have  the  vanity  to 
think  that  my  past  conduct  ought  to  take  from  you  the 
possibility  of  doubting  mine  ;  it  ought,  rather,  to  convince  you 
of  their  purity,  and  of  the  zeal,  attachment,  and  devotion  I  have 
consecrated  to  your  service.  My  sole  desire  is  to  serve  you ; 
my  sweetest  recompense,  the  only  one  to  which  I  aspire,  is 
the  glory  of  succeeding  in  that  —  I  want  no  other.  I  should  be 
but  too  much  rewarded  if  I  could  know  you  were  happy  and 
think  that  I  had  been  happy  enough  to  have  contributed  to  it. 

I  hope  to  receive  a  word  from  you  which  will  guide  me  in 
what  I  must  write  to  the  King  of  Sweden,  and  give  me  the 
possibility  of  justifying  and  defending,  to  his  eyes  and  those 
of  the  empress,  the  step  that  has  just  been  taken. 


222  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF      [chap,  viii 

Postscript.  All  that  I  have  now  written  becomes  useless 
for  your  letter  to  the  baron  and  M.  de  Mercy  has  just  arrived. 
Nevertheless,  I  must  observe  that  it  was  very  important  to 
have  received  them  earlier  in  order  that  the  Powers  should 
have  been  warned  by  you  and  not  have  learned  your  action 
from  the  public  papers.1 

Queen  Marie-Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen. 
No.  3  December  28,  1791. 

De  Narbonne  [minister  of  war]  has  a  crazy  idea,  which  I 
thought  had  fallen  through :  to  invite  the  Duke  of  Bruns- 
wick to  come  here  and  command  the  army.  The  idea  is  so 
out  of  common-sense  that  I  supposed  nothing  more  would  be 
said  about  it.  Yesterday  I  heard  that  they  were  going  to 
send  the  little  de  Custine  to  the  duke  to  negotiate  the  affair. 
Comte  de  Se*gur  may  have  been  commissioned  to  speak  of  it 
without  our  knowledge.  I  tell  you  of  all  this  so  as  not  to 
be  scolded,  and  also  that  the  baron  and  you  may  take  your 
precautions.  I  have  no  doubt  the  duke  will  refuse;  and 
that  will  be  serving  us.  Adieu.  I  have  not  yet  received 
the  packet  of  M.  Crawford 2 

Queen  Marie-Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen. 

January  4, 1792. 

I  can  only  write  one  word.  .  .  .  The  person  who  will  bring 

you  this  will  tell  you  and  make  you  know  our  position  just 

as  it  is.     I  have  entire  confidence  in  him  and  he  deserves  it 

for  his  attachment  and  his  good  sense  [Count  Fersen  writes 

1  It  will  be  observed  that  this  letter  is  of  the  same  date  as  the  King  of 
Sweden's  memorial  and  letters  to  the  King  and  Queen  of  France,  which 
did  not  reach  Count  Fersen  till  the  8th  of  January,  1792.  — Tr. 

a  This  autographic  letter  was  written  in  "  white,"  or  "  sympathetie  "  ink, 
addressed  on  the  outside  to  "  Monsieur  l'Abbe  de  Beauyerin,  Poste  re- 
stante,  Bruxelles."  Count  Fersen  notes  on  the  margin,  "  Recu  Jan. 
3.    Rep  :  Jan.  5."    See  fac-siraile.  —  Tr. 


1791] 


COUNT  AXEL  FEBSEN.  223 


.  5    v    ^  *^  ^    ^  *    *    5  -    v x 

i  i  *  5 1  II  1  3  #■  ^<^ 


224 


DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  viii. 


1791] 


COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  225 


y*   n*i.    *>0ti?   tt •*!*  fan' i/ it   f't(T?~0faf/<ih\ 


4 


f,;<T<li  77///  r$  >,//if  iitybri 

U ' ififafjtrrf** 1,  tint   /'t/tip.-^' 


226  DIARY   AND  CORRESPONDENCE   OF  [chap.  tiii. 

{•ryimrfltu'  it  "fine  $t9ff&pt'tro 
Jnrtft  ftrfrnntA  i/J^T- 

ft*  '™*»*  ******  j*»¥%Zt-± 

itmtin-L  ti'tii'jpf,;?  tntrrc  rt.Vtn.ti 

"t)u  fiffuw/Yt?  tym  v*u?  eT&u, 

If*****'  {tut  ^Ut~t<~(fo't.Cttfi<*>tt/ttrg%- 

JugiTc^e.  S'u>y>- /?» (Matt ei  et- 


179'1 


COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN. 


227 


pun*  *d  i  //v«<-  9fu*m*y  /?irt,JL' 
ifi*ijj9tMf  0i*'*  eif***/*  fail  fiirt- 

&*TquLJ<  t'vfy9 <^*'te*  *{*/"fiL 

4*    li€HrT*^9Tos*Tlll/t0^*9€~fifii«fy 


228  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE   OF      [chap.  viii. 

"  Goguelat "  on  the  margin].  He  carries  with,  him  an  ab- 
surd memorial,  but  I  was  forced  to  send  it.  It  is  important 
that  the  Emperor  should  be  convinced  there  is  not  a  word  of 
our  own  in  it,  nor  of  our  manner  of  seeing  things ;  but  he 
must  make  me  an  answer  as  if  he  believed  it  was  my  way 
of  seeing  things,  which  I  can  show ;  for  they  are  so  distrust- 
ful here  they  will  exact  an  answer.  The  bearer  of  these 
papers  does  not  know  by  whom  they  are  dictated  to  me  and 
must  not  be  spoken  to  about  them.  The  memorial  is  ill- 
written  and  shows  that  these  wretches  are  in  fear ;  but  for 
our  personal  safety  they  have  to  be  managed,  and,  above  all, 
we  must  inspire  confidence  in  them  by  our  conduct  here. 
All  that  will  be  explained  to  you,  also  the  reasons  why  I 
often  cannot  warn  you  in  advance  of  what  they  are  going  to 
do  here.  My  man  has  not  yet  returned ;  I  wish  I  could  have 
some  news  from  where  you  are.  What  is  the  meaning  of 
this  sudden  declaration  of  the  Emp.  ?  Why  this  profound 
silence  of  Vienna,  and  even  of  Brussels  towards  me  ?  I  am 
lost  in  conjectures,  but  what  I  know  well  is  this :  if  it  is 
prudence  or  policy  that  makes  them  say  nothing  to  me,  they 
are  very  wrong  and  expose  me  much,  because  no  one  believes 
that  I  can  be  in  such  ignorance  ;  and  yet  it  is  necessary  that 
I  should  regulate  my  words  and  my  conduct  on  what  is  tak- 
ing place :  that  is  what  I  have  told  this  person  to  say  to 
M.  de  Mercy.     I  must  end.  .  .  . 

Queen  Marie-Antoinette  to  the  Queen  of  Spain. 
Madame,  my  sister  and  cousin  :  January  4, 1792. 

I  desired  much  to  be  able  to  write  to  Y.  M.  at  the  same 
time  that  the  king  wrote  to  the  King  of  Spain,  but  time  then 
failed  me,  and  we  are  forced  to  be  so  circumspect  in  all  our 
actions  that  I  have  had  to  await  an  opportunity  to  send  this 
letter  to  the  Baron  de  Breteuil  in  Brussels,  who,  as  you  know 


1791]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  229 

has  all  our  confidence.  I  write  to  you,  Madame,  with  all 
the  more  pleasure,  to  connect  myself  with  the  letter  the 
king  has  already  written,  because  the  nobleness  of  your 
character  and  the  double  tie  of  blood  which  unites  you  with 
us  leaves  me  no  doubt  of  the  interest  you  will  take  in  regard 
to  us.  Be  so  kind,  therefore,  as  to  maintain  the  King  of 
Spain  in  his  good-will  towards  our  interests.  The  letter  he 
has  received  from  the  king  will  explain  to  him  our  true 
sentiments,  and  we  can  have  no  others.  It  is  unnecessary  to 
say  to  Y.  M.  that  the  greatest  secrecy  is  necessary;  your 
prudence  and  our  position  make  it  obvious  enough.  As  for 
me,  Madame,  I  shall  be  charmed  to  owe  you  an  obligation, 
and  to  add  that  sentiment  to  the  friendship  and  attachment 
I  have  so  long,  and  for  my  life,  vowed  to  you. 

Marie-Antoinette. 

Count  Fersen  to  Queen  Marie-Antoinette. 

Brussels,  January  6, 1792. 
An  aide-de-camp  of  M.  de  Jaucourt  has  brought  to  Ath 
[near  Brussels]  an  order  for  the  assemblage  of  emigres  there 
collected  to  take  itself  to  the  frontiers  of  the  Elector  of  Treves. 
You  will  readily  see  the  annoyances  of  this  operation,  and 
how  disadvantageous  it  may  be:  1st,  it  increases  the  embar- 
rassment of  the  Electors  and  forces  you  to  put  yourself  on  the 
defensive,  which  it  was  desirable  to  delay  until  there  was 
better  preparation  made  outside ;  2d,  it  is  one  means  the  less 
of  compromising  the  emperor;  and  3d,  it  is  giving  the 
Assembly  the  facility  to  represent  this  departure  as  the 
result  of  the  king's  threats.  It  may  excite  the  Electors  to 
the  same  conduct ;  they  will  no  longer  be  able  to  reply  that 
they  conform  in  their  States  to  the  course  of  the  Low  Coun- 
tries; and  from  the  knowledge  I  have  of  the  emperor's 
intentions  I  should  not  be  at  all  surprised  if  he  supports  this 


230  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF       [chap.  viii. 

demand.  I  know  that  he  is  determined  not  to  furnish  to 
the  Electors  and  princes  of  the  Empire  more  than  the  con- 
tingent he  is  forced  to  send  as  a  co-State.  He  fears  war ;  he 
fears  to  be  mixed  up  in  your  affairs ;  and  having  now  no 
assemblage  of  the  French  in  his  own  States,  he  may  exact 
that  there  shall  be  none  in  those  of  others.  Baron  de 
Breteuil  has  written  to  the  Marquis  de  Castries  to  stop,  if 
possible,  the  departure  of  the  emigres)  I  have  written  the 
same  to  Baron  Oxenstjerna. 

The  answer  of  the  king  to  the  emperor  seems  to  me  a 
little  too  strong ;  do  you  not  think  it  best  to  hold  one's  self 
in  readiness  to  make  war,  but  to  delay  the  moment  of  begin- 
ning it  until  a  concert  is  established,  with  sufficient  force  to 
be  a  support  to  you  ?  Do  you  not  think  it  would  have  been 
best  to  say  that,  if  at  a  fixed  epoch  the  Elector  of  Treves  has 
not  dispersed  the  assemblages,  the  king  will  rely  on  the  good 
offices  of  the  emperor  to  compel  him  to  do  so.  I  think  it 
important  to  grant  the  Elector  of  Treves  a  second  period  — 
till  the  1st  or  15th  of  February,  if  possible ;  this  delay  would 
give  us  time  to  receive  answers.  Could  not  the  king  derive 
some  benefit  from  the  desire  he  has  to  preserve  peace  and 
avoid  war,  always  ruinous,  but  especially  so  at  this  moment 
when  the  finances  require  such  great  attention  ? 

The  King  of  Prussia  to  his  Very  Christian  Majesty  the  King 

of  France. 
Monsieur,  my  brother :  January  14, 1792. 

I  have  just  received  the  letter  that  Y.  M.  wrote  to  me 
December  3d,  and  which  the  Baron  de  Breteuil  forwarded. 
I  recognize  with  keen  sensibility  the  confidence  you  testify 
in  me,  and  I  beg  you  to  be  fully  convinced  that  M.  de 
Moustier  expressed  to  you  my  true  sentiments  in  'speaking 
to  you  of  the  sincere  interest  I  take  in  your  situation  and 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  231 

that  of  the  queen,  your  august  wife,  and  the  desire  which 
animates  me  to  be  useful  to  both,  in  order  to  bring  about  a 
state  of  things  more  in  conformity  with  your  wishes. 

As  a  result  of  these  dispositions  I  am  much  inclined  to 
enter  into  the  views  of  Y.  M.  in  regard  to  the  establishment 
of  an  armed  congress,  and  I  shall  in  consequence  sound  H. 
M.  the  emperor  immediately  on  that  subject,  having  so  far 
followed  a  confidential  concert  on  the  affairs  of  France  with 
him,  to  whom  Y.  M.  informs  me  you  have  made  the  same 
proposition.  In  spite  of  the  slowness  and  difficulty  which 
the  arrangement  of  an  armed  congress  will  necessarily  meet 
with,  I  like  to  think  that  its  effects  and  the  impression 
which  will  result  will  answer  the  expectations  of  Y.  M. 
But,  with  all  the  good-will  with  which  I  feel  myself  inspired 
for  your  interests,  I  cannot  at  the  same  time  refuse  to  con- 
sider the  very  considerable  expenses  to  which  this  measure 
will  give  rise,  and,  father  of  my  people,  I  shall  say,  with 
frankness,  to  a  king  who  has  given  such  strong  proofs  of  the 
same  sentiments,  that  a  just  indemnity  for  those  costs  seems 
to  me  indispensable  to  conciliate  the  services  which  I  hope 
to  render  to  Y.  M.  in  conformity  with  my  cares  for  the  wel- 
fare of  the  State  I  govern. 

I  shall  take  pleasure  in  communicating,  thrqugh  my 
minister,  Count  Schulemburg,  with  the  Baron  de  Breteuil, 
whom  Y.  M.  honours  with  your  confidence  and  who  so  justly 
deserves  it,  on  all  that  relates  to  this  important  object;  but 
I  shall  be  charmed  at  the  same  time  to  receive  direct  news 
from  Y.  M.  as  often  as  you  judge  that  you  can  give  them  to 
me  in  safety ;  as  for  the  secrecy  you  ask  of  me,  the  great 
necessity  for  which  I  feel  perfectly,  I  will  guarantee  you  that 
it  shall  be  religiously  and  strictly  observed  by  myself  and 
by  those  to  whom  the  matter  must  be  confided  by  me; 
but  you  will  feel,  without  difficulty,  that  I  cannot  answer 


232  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF      [chap.  viii. 

for  the   secrecy  of  the   other  Courts  which  must  concur 
in  it. 

I  end  this  letter  by  reiterating  to  Y.  M.  the  ardent  and 
sincere  desires  that  I  form  for  you  and  your  royal  family, 
and  the  assurance  of  the  invariable  sentiments  of  considera- 
tion and  attachment  with  which  I  am,  Monsieur,  my  brother, 

Your  Majesty's  good  brother, 

Fkedekick  William. 

Baron  Taube  to  Count  Fersen. 

Stockholm,  January  17,  1792. 

The  courier  from  Hamburg  arrived  last  Saturday  evening, 
and  everything  came  safely.  The  King  of  Sweden  is  per- 
fectly satisfied  with  the  letter  of  the  Queen  of  France  to  him, 
and  with  the  one  she  has  written  to  the  empress ;  but  he  is 
not  as  much  so  with  the  one  that  the  King  of  France  has 
written  to  the  King  of  Spain.  The  King  of  Sweden  thinks 
that  the  help  and  succour  he  wants  of  him  are  not  strongly 
enough  defined,  and  that  the  king  has  not  said  to  the  King 
of  Spain  that  he  desires  no  compromise  with  the  rebels  and 
not  to  have  a  mixed  government,  but  to  see  the  monarchy 
restored  with  the  royal  power  in  all  its  plenitude.  The 
King  of  Sweden  charges  me  to  tell  you,  my  friend,  that 
if  the  King  of  France  does  not  persist  in  those  sentiments 
all  foreign  help  will  be  useless  to  him,  and  his  power  will  be 
equally  useless  to  his  friends  and  allies.  The  King  of 
Sweden  strongly  approves  of  the  conduct  the  King  of  France 
is  holding  at  the  present  moment  towards  the  rebels ;  they 
cannot  be  too  much  lulled  into  security ;  but  with  his  friends 
he  ought  never  to  talk  of,  or  propose,  anything  but  the  re- 
establishment  of  the  monarchy  in  its  entirety,  such  as  it  was 
before  the  revolution. 

As  for  the  proposal  to  take  Denmark  into  the  league,  that 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  233 

is  impossible ;  for  the  twenty  years  that  the  King  of  Sweden 
has  reigned,  Russia  has  tried  in  vain  to  force  him  to  make  a 
triple  alliance  between  Russia,  Denmark,  and  himself,  with- 
out ever  being  able  to  succeed.  Therefore  that  idea  must  be 
totally  left  out  of  the  projects  of  the  king  and  queen  if  they 
want  his  support.  Between  ourselves,  my  friend,  if  it  had 
not  been  for  the  foolish  consideration  which  France  has 
shown  from  all  time  for  Denmark,  contrary  to  the  interests 
of  Sweden,  we  should  to-day  be  much  more  powerful,  and 
consequently  more  useful  at  the  present  moment  to  France. 

The  King  of  Sweden  has  written  to  the  King  of  Prussia 
to  warn  him  of  Segur's  arrival,  so  that  he  may  send  him 
away.  The  King  of  Sweden  will  also  write  to  the  empress 
on  the  subject  of  the  congress ;  about  which  Baron  de  Bre- 
teuil  is  urgent  in  the  name  of  the  King  and  Queen  of 
France. 

The  King  of  Sweden  to  Count  Fersen. 

The  little  castle  of  new  Hag  a, 
January  20,  1792. 

I  received  on  Saturday  last  the  packet  that  Reutersvaerd 
brought  to  Hamburg.  My  departure  for  Gene,  and  the 
numerous  occupations  which  the  opening  of  the  Diet  occa- 
sions me,  prevent  my  writing  to  you  at  length;  but  the 
annexed  paper  will  prove  to  you  that  I  have  adopted  the 
measures  that  the  King  of  France  asked  of  me.  I  beg  you 
to  tell  this  to  the  Baron  de  Breteuil,  and  though  I  hope 
nothing  from  such  a  congress,  which  will  serve  more  to 
embroil  the  sovereigns  than  unite  them,  and  am  convinced 
that  the  emperor  will  refuse  it,  still  I  wish  to  show  the 
King  of  France  that  I  conform  to  his  wishes  before  the 
answer  of  the  emperor  can  be  given.  If  the  Assembly  goes 
on  with  its  present  rapidity  we  shall  be  obliged  to  have 


234  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF      [chap,  vnt 

recourse  to  methods  much  less  slow  than  a  congress.    Mean- 
time, I  insist  on  the  necessity  of  getting  the  king  out  of  Paris. 
On  which  I  pray  God  to  have  you  in  His  holy  keeping, 

being 

Your  very  affectionate 

Gustavus. 

Count  Fersen  to  the  King  of  Sweden. 

Brussels,  January  22,  1792. 

Sire,  —  According  to  the  letter  which  your  Majesty  did 
me  the  honour  to  write  to  me  December  30,  I  hastened  to 
send  to  the  queen  the  details  on  the  disposition  of  the 
Empress  of  Russia  which  concerned  her  and  would  prove  to 
her  the  necessity  for  a  firm  and  persistent  line  of  conduct 
and  plan.  I  hope  before  long  and  as  soon  as  they  think  it 
suitable,  to  explain  everything  more  in  detail  to  the  king 
and  queen  and  to  learn  more  positively  their  resolutions. 

The  Queen  of  France  has  been  forced  to  send  to  the 
emperor  a  memorial  written  in  her  name  by  MM.  Barnave, 
Lameth,  and  Duport,  without  the  knowledge  of  the  present 
Assembly  and  in  which  it  is  very  ill-treated.  In  this  memorial, 
which  is  very  bad  and  ill-written,  they  endeavour  to  frighten 
the  emperor  as  to  the  results  of  a  war  with  France ;  suggest- 
ing to  him  the  seductions  which  will  be  offered  to  his  sol- 
diers, and  the  propagation  of  the  new  doctrines  of  equality 
and  liberty  which  will  be  spread  in  all  the  countries  where 
the  French  army  may  go.  They  next  attempt  to  prove  to 
him,  by  very  false  arguments,  the  interest  it  is  to  him  (even 
for  his  Belgian  provinces)  to  ally  himself  with  France  and 
to  maintain  the  Constitution  such  as  it  was  decreed  by  the 
former  Assembly.  One  can  see  in  every  line  of  this  memo- 
rial that  fear  dictated  it,  and  that  it  is  only  a  means  at- 
tempted to  detach  the  emperor  from  the  general  league,  and 


1792J  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  235 

especially  from  the  idea  of  a  congress,  —  a  step  which  they 
seem  to  dread  above  everything. 

The  queen  thought  that  she  ought  to  consent  to  send  this 
memorial  and  have  the  air  of  adopting  it;  she  even  de- 
sired that  her  brother  should  make  her  an  ostensible  reply  to 
it,  which  she  could  show  to  its  authors  to  convince  them  of 
her  simulated  sincerity ;  and  I  have  the  honour  to  send  Y.  M. 
a  copy  of  a  private  letter  which  the  queen  wrote  on  this 
subject  to  the  emperor,  also  passages  from  the  one  she  did 
me  the  honour  to  write  to  me  about  it.  When  remitting 
these  papers  to  M.  de  Mercy  I  informed  Baron  de  Breteuil 
about  them ;  and  in  the  conversation  which  they  had  about 
them  on  the  following  day  M.  de  Mercy  said  that  he  did  not 
think  the  memorial  bad,  that  there  were  several  good  things 
in  it  which  he  thought  quite  reasonable.  Y.  M.  can  judge 
of  the  surprise  of  M.  de  Breteuil  and  his  indignation ;  and 
finally,  seeing  that  he  was  unable  to  convince  M.  de  Mercy, 
he  ended  by  representing  to,  him  that  the  King  and  Queen 
of  France,  regarding  the  matter  from  another  point  of  view 
and  asking  of  the  emperor  a  reply  analogous  to  their  opinion, 
had  the  right  to  hope  for  it.  This  conversation  with  M.  de 
Mercy,  joined  to  what  M.  de  Semonville  said  to  General 
Wrangel,  has  made  me  suspect  that  Mercy  had  already 
knowledge  of  the  memorial,  and  that  it  was  made  in  concert 
with  him ;  for  I  have  long  suspected  and  I  have  several  indi- 
cations of  a  correspondence  between  him  and  the  factious 
part  of  the  former  Assembly,  of  which  the  emperor  was 
aware.  Baron  de  Breteuil  has  been  of  my  opinion,  and  be- 
lieves as  I  do.  I  have  thought  it  necessary  to  inform  Y.  M. 
of  these  details,  in  the  belief  that  the  emperor  will  seek  to 
make  a  further  bad  use  of  the  sending  of  this  memorial. 

The  dispersion  of  the  emigres  [warned  out  of  the  States  of 
the  princes  of  Germany]  is  no  doubt  a  misfortune  for  them, 

Ver.  8  16  Mem. 


236  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE   OF       [chap.  viii. 

but  I  do  not  think  it  harmful  to  the  cause.  To  succeed,  all 
must  advance  together ;  the  within  must  not  go  faster  than 
the  without.  In  fact,  what  aid  would  the  king  have  at  this 
moment  to  sustain  a  movement  made  by  the  emigres  in  his 
favour?  These  movements,  whatever  they  are,  can  never 
have  a  great  effect  without  the  aid  of  some  foreign  power ; 
and  the  season  does  not  allow  Y.  M.  or  the  empress  to  fur- 
nish at  this  moment  the  assistance  you  are  determined  to 
give.  .  .  . 

The  reason  why  the  queen  cannot  inform  us  in  time  of 
what  is  about  to  be  done  is  the  rapidity  with  which  deter- 
minations are  made  and  executed.  That  of  the  summons  to 
the  Electors  [princes  of  Germany]  and  the  going  of  the  king 
to  the  Assembly  was  decided  at  eleven  o'clock  at  night ;  the 
speech  was  made  up  during  the  night  and  delivered  the  next 
day.     And  so  with  other  matters. 

Count  Fersen  to  Queen  Marie-Antoinette. 

January  24,  1792. 

You  will  see  by  the  letter  of  the  King  of  Prussia  that  his 
inclinations  are  good,  but  that  he  will  do  nothing  without 
the  emperor.  There  is  nothing,  therefore,  to  do  but  to  push 
the  King  of  Prussia  into  making  propositions  to  the  latter. 

I  have  received  a  perfect  letter  from  Spain,  of  which  I  will 
send  you  the  details.  Those  of  Eussia  are  the  same.  The 
empress  writes  to  the  King  of  Sweden :  "Perhaps  the  Queen 
of  France  will  herself  feel  the  necessity  of  claiming  the 
assistance  of  her  brother.  Y.  M.  ought  to  know  better  than 
I  if  it  would  be  difficult  to  induce  her  to  do  so."  The 
empress  will  be  entirely  convinced  as  to  that  by  your  letter. 
She  says,  farther  on:  "The  more  the  cause  we  plead  is 
worthy  of  all  our  care,  and  the  more  we  neglect  nothing  that 
will  enable  it  to  triumph,  the  more  we  shall  have,  my  dear 


1792]  COUNT   AXEL   FERSEN.  237 

brother,  with  our  contemporaries  and  with  posterity,  the 
merit  of  not  having  desisted  from  so  noble  an  enterprise 
without  making  every  possible  effort  to  surmount  the  diffi- 
culties which  we  encounter." 

But  the  king  and  empress  both  insist  on  another  flight,  as 
to  which  I  shall  bring  you  a  memorial  and  the  letters  of  the 
king.  His  project  is  that  it  be  executed  by  sea  and  by  the 
English,  of  whom  only  two  will  be  in  the  secret.  I  shall  also 
bring  you  new  proofs  of  the  emperor's  conduct.  They  say 
the  Queen  of  Portugal  is  well-disposed ;  she  has  a  great  deal 
of  money,  and  they  think  she  would  give  it.  I  think  it 
would  be  well  to  write  to  her ;  it  might  decide  her. 

Mme.  de  Vaudemont  is  in  Paris  to  prevent  the  seizure  of 
her  house  or  to  obtain  an  indemnity  for  it ;  but  as  she  carries 
with  her  the  resignation  of  MM.  de  Lambesc  and  Vaude- 
mont, you  will  believe  no  doubt  that  they  are  not  obliged  to 
give  her  anything,  nor  yet  to  grant  the  pensions  those  men 
are  now  demanding,  especially  not  to  M.  de  Vaudemont;  if 
M.  de  Lambesc  gets  20,000  or  30,000  francs  it  is  all  he  can 
hope  for.  Also,  as  you  can  suppose,  he  will  not  be  allowed 
to  sell  his  office.  He  proposed  to  do  so  to  Baron  de  Breteuil's 
son-in-law  for  300,000  francs.  The  latter  refused  it,  saying 
he  thought  the  king  ought  not  to  fetter  himself  in  that  way, 
and  that  he  should  no  longer  tolerate  the  sale  of  offices.  But 
the  baron  asks  the  king's  kindness  to  give  that  office  to  his 
son-in-law  some  day,  adding,  when  he  mentioned  it  to  me : 
"  He  thinks  well,  and  he  is  too  rich  to  ask  the  king  for  any- 
thing, and  enough  so  to  keep  up  a  great  state"  —  besides 
which,  he  is  too  stupid  ever  to  be  troublesome  or  meddle  in 
public  matters.  I  will  pay  the  baron  the  22,000  francs  that  are 
due  to  him ;  but  I  must  be  authorized  to  remit  to  him  20,000 
or  30,000  more  (for  which  he  will  render  an  account),  outlay 
on  couriers,  etc.,  which  it  is  indispensable  he  should  make 


238  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF     [chap,  viil 

The  loss  ou  money  is  terrible ;  it  is  40  per  cent ;  that  is  to  say, 
of  the  .  .  .  which  you  have  in  Holland  you  will  only  get .  .  , 
I  will  send  you  an  exact  account.  I  have  decided  to  draw 
it  all  out  and  deposit  it,  for  fear  the  loss  may  increase.  I 
have  the  same  loss  on  all  that  I  draw  myself. 

I  shall  make  all  my  arrangements  to  arrive  on  the  3d  at 
six  in  the  evening. 

Count  Fersen  to  Queen  Marie-Antoinette. 

February  6, 1792. 

It  is  absolutely  necessary  that  you  be  drawn  from  the  state 
in  which  you  are,  and  only  violent  means  can  do  it.  .  .  . 

The  little  archduke  told  the  officers  at  the  Order  that  all 
must  be  ready  by  March  1,  that  6000  men  had  already 
started,  that  14,000  more  were  ready  to  follow  them ;  and 
that  war  with  France  seemed  certain.  M.  de  Metternich 
says  that  they  are  going  to  change  their  language  at  last,  that 
he  was  only  awaiting  the  decision  of  the  council  of  Brabant 
(about  the  persons  lately  arrested)  to  send  a  very  strong 
note  on  that  subject  to  M.  de  la  Graviere.  He  added  that 
we  should  soon  hear  news  from  Prussia  more  important 
than  that  of  the  suicide  of  M.  de  Segur.  In  spite  of  this 
I  shall  believe  in  nothing  from  the  emperor  until  I  see 
its  effects. 

It  is  said  here  that  they  want  the  king  to  veto  the  decree 
on  passports.  Those  who  advise  this  act  will  try  to  make  it 
seem  an  act  of  liberty.  I  think  the  king  ought  to  sanction. 
The  factious  would  represent  his  veto  as  a  proof  that  he 
wants  to  go  away  and  preserve  the  means  of  doing  so.  Be- 
sides, this  decree  is  a  vexatious  thing  which  bears  hard  upon 
the  people,  on  account  of  the  stamped  paper,  and  it  is  well 
to  let  them  feel  its  weight.  Moreover,  in  spite  of  the  king's 
veto,  the  Jacobins,  by  their  influence,  will  continue  to  harass 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FEBSEN.  239 

travellers.     The  veto  will  be  good  for  nothing;  people  will 
still  be  obliged  to  get  passports. 

Count  Fersen  to  Baron  Taube. 

Brussels,  February  14,  1792. 

My  dear  Friend, — All  is  once  more  changed,  and  I  start 
for  Paris  in  an  hour.  It  may  be  necessary,  to  avoid  suspi- 
cion, that  I  should  make  a  turn  towards  Spain.  In  any  case 
I  shall  be  back  here  by  the  23d  or  25th. 

M.  de  Simolin  [private  envoy  of  the  Empress  of  Eussia] 
is  here ;  he  goes  to  Vienna  from  the  queen,  to  tell  the  em- 
peror their  true  position  and  their  desires,  and  to  urge  him 
to  act.  In  the  conversation  he  had  with  her,  the  queen 
said :  "  Tell  the  emperor  there  is  nothing  to  fear  for  us :  the 
nation  has  need  of  the  king,  and  that  his  son  shall  live ;  they 
must  be  rescued ;  as  for  me,  I  fear  nothing.  I  prefer  to  sub- 
ject myself  to  anything  rather  than  live  longer  in  the  state 
of  degradation  in  which  I  am ;  anything  seems  to  me  prefer- 
able to  the  horror  of  our  position." 

My  friend,  those  words  are  significant,  and  Simolin  has 
written  them  to  the  empress.  The  queen  has  also  written 
to  her  about  Simolin's  journey :  and  she  wrote  the  same  to 
the  emperor,  and  a  charming  letter  to  Prince  Kaunitz,  beg- 
ging them  to  put  entire  confidence  in  Simolin.  I  hope  for 
good  effects  from  that  step. 

Baron.  Taube  to  Count  Fersen. 

Gefle,  February  16,  1792. 
The  King  of  Sweden  writes  by  post  to-day  to  Stael  [his 
ambassador  in  Paris]  an  order  not  to  return  to  Sweden ;  it 
ought  to  meet  him  at  Hamburg  in  case  he  took  the  course 
of  returning  here,  which  is  against  the  king's  orders. 


240  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF      [chap.  viii. 

The  king  is  very  well  pleased  with  the  letters  of  the  King 
of  Prussia,  but  he  is  in  despair  at  the  memorial  which  the 
queen  let  herself  be  forced  by  Barnave  and  others  to  write 
to  the  emperor,  —  especially  after  the  letters  she  had  just 
written  to  and  received  from  the  other  sovereigns.  In  the 
tirst  place,  she  is  the  dupe  of  the  scoundrels  who  have  wrung 
this  memorial  from  her,  for  they  will  betray  her;  then  it 
has  shown  them  that  she  has  means  of  communication,  which 
they  will  now  spy  upon  and  intercept  in  the  end.  We  may 
also  be  certain  that  the  emperor  will  make  a  bad  use  of  that 
paper,  in  spite  of  the  private  letter  that  the  queen  wrote  to 
him.  The  King  of  Sweden  has  just  warned  the  empress  of 
this,  in  order  that  she  may  not  be  misled  by  the  emperor. 

I  disapprove  strongly  of  what  the  queen  has  done  in  this 
matter ;  for  who  or  what  forced  her  to  enter  into  negotiations 
or  speak  with  Barnave  and  consorts  ?  Besides,  my  friend,  he 
who  undertakes  to  deceive  too  many  persons  at  once,  de- 
ceives no  one.  The  queen  has  but  one  role  to  play,  so  long 
as  she  remains  shut  up  in  Paris :  which  is  to  never  trust  her- 
self to  a  Frenchman  while  she  lives  in  France,  not  even  if 
she  believes  him  well-intentioned  ;  but  she  ought  to  make 
every  one,  and  every  new-comer  believe  that  she  desires  to 
live  according  to  the  Constitution  on  all  its  points.  That  is 
the  only  way  to  put  those  rebels  to  sleep. 

I  feel,  my  friend,  how  impossible  it  will  be  to  separate  the 
King  of  France  from  the  queen  and  the  dauphin ;  I  think  it 
is  a  necessity  that  they  shall  stay  together.  But  as  for 
Madame  Elisabeth  and  the  little  girl,  I  do  not  think  it  neces- 
sary that  they  should  go  too,  or  be  even  notified  of  the  go- 
ing ;  all  confidence  in  this  matter  is  too  risky.  Besides,  they 
risk  nothing  in  staying  behind ;  the  fury  of  the  rebels  will 
not  be  turned  against  them. 

That  which  distresses  me  most  is  to  see  that  nothing  ad- 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  241 

vances ;  that  all  is  hemmed  in  by  intrigues  and  negotiations 
which  have  no  result.  The  king  hears  nothing  more  of 
pecuniary  succour  from  Spain;  and  without  money  it  is 
absolutely  impossible  to  march  his  troops  or  send  his  ships 
to  sea.  Another  misfortune  is,  that  the  winter  is  very 
severe  this  year,  so  that  our  ports  will  probably  not  be  open 
before  the  end  of  May.  Otherwise,  the  army  by  land  and 
sea  is  in  a  complete  state  to  advance.  It  only  needs  money 
to  set  it  in  motion,  provide  the  commissariat,  and  purchase 
horses  for  the  artillery  and  baggage-waggons. 


242  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  ix. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

1792.  Count  Fersen's  Diary.  —  His  fruitless  Mission  to  the  King  and 
Queen  in  Paris.  —  Death  of  the  Emperor  Leopold.  —  Death  of  Gus- 
tavus  III.  King  of  Sweden.  —  Advance  and  repulse  of  the  French  army 
under  the  Comte  de  Rochambeau.  —  Efforts  to  induce  England  to  assist 
in  the  rescue  of  the  King  and  Queen.  —  The  10th  of  August.  —  Im- 
prisonment of  the  Royal  Family  in  the  Temple.  —  Fatal  retreat  of  the 
Duke  of  Brunswick.  —  The  Due  de  Choiseul's  Account  of  August  10th, 
and  of  the  Arrest  at  Varennes. 

January  1,  1792.  Brussels.  The  Elector  of  Cologne  haa 
given  orders  to  all  the  French  refugees  at  Andernach  to  leave 
his  State.  He  asked  the  archduchess  for  protection  by  the 
troops  of  the  emperor.  She  replied  that  she  had  no  orders 
for  that. 

2d.  Memorial  of  the  queen  to  the  emperor ;  detestable ; 
made  by  Barnave,  Lameth,  and  Duport ;  intended  to  frighten 
the  emperor  and  prove  to  him  that  his  interest  is  not  to 
make  war,  but  to  maintain  the  Constitution,  for  fear  the 
French  may  propagate  their  doctrines  and  debauch  his 
soldiery.  Letters  from  the  queen  to  the  emperor,  the  Queen 
of  Spain,  and  to  me.  Memorial  and  letters  to  King  and 
Queen  of  France  [from  King  of  Sweden]  well  done. 

11th.  Letter  from  Crawford;  he  has  seen  queen  and 
talked  with  her.  They  want  to  send  the  Bishop  of  Autun 
[Talleyrand]  to  London  to  negotiate ;  little  Custine  to 
Brunswick ;  they  expect  to  gain  all  by  money. 

14th.  The  Abbe*  de  Limon,  just  returned  from  Paris, 
says  that  minds  are  amazingly  changed ;  that  the  people 
desire  a  change,  and  that  some  one  should  come  to 
their  relief;  they  want  the  Constitution,  but  with  great 
changes. 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  243 

18th.  M.  de  la  Galissonniere  says  that  two  or  three  hun- 
dred of  the  bourgeois  of  Paris  are  going  in  parties  of  ten 
or  twelve  to  Kehl,  where  they  have  rendezvous ;  thence  to 
the  princes.  Two  came  to  his  house  and  asked  him  the 
way.     They  each  had  twenty-five  louis. 

21st.     The  queen  consents  that  I  shall  go  to  Paris. 

24th.  The  Princesse  de  Tarente  has  arrived.  News  from 
Paris  of  a  riot  about  the  dearness  of  sugar,  which  costs  three 
livres,  five  sous.  They  pillaged  the  hotel  of  the  Americans, 
it  is  said,  and  several  grocers'  shops.  Sugar  was  sold  in  the 
market  for  twenty-four  sous.  My  departure  for  Paris  is 
fixed  for  the  3d  of  February. 

29th.  Letter  from  the  queen,  begging  me  to  defer  my 
journey  until  the  decree  about  the  passports  is  given,  and 
tranquillity  is  more  established  in  Paris.  Much  is  being 
said  about  the  departure  of  the  king,  and  the  newspapers 
indicate  by  way  of  Calais.  This  is  the  fruit  of  French  indis- 
cretion ;  those  who  imagine  a  project  tell  it  to  everybody,  and 
spies  are  sent  to  the  spot. 

February  1.  Dined  with  La  Marck.  Much  talk  of  Mira- 
beau  and  all  his  intrigues  with  Lafayette.  La  Marck  is  an 
intriguer.  The  Prince  of  Nassau  wrote  to  the  Comte 
d'Artois  that  he  was  very  well  pleased  with  the  emperor, 
who  would  act.  The  Comte  d'Artois  wrote  it  to  the  Prince 
de  Cond£,  and  the  Prince  de  Conde"  sent  the  original  letter  to 
be  read  by  all  the  gentlemen  in  his  service. 

3d.  Letter  from  the  queen ;  says  it  is  impossible,  on 
account  of  private  passports,  that  I  should  go,  and  I  must 
renounce  it.  Bad  for  me  and  for  affairs.  They  feign  to  sus- 
pect the  king's  escape,  and  the  rumour  is  spread  in  Paris  to 
prevent  the  new  guard  of  the  king  from  entering  upon  its 
functions,  which  is  for  the  10th,  and  the  decree  on  passports 
is  made  to  prevent  his  departure ;  the  means  are  not  bad. 


244  DIARY  AND   CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  ix. 

6th.  I  have  determined  to  go  to  Paris  on  a  letter  from 
the  queen  telling  me  that  the  decree  on  the  passports  will 
not  be  sanctioned;  Frenchmen  who  have  passed  in  very- 
well  write  to  say  so. 

9th.  Simolin  arrived  from  Paris  at,  eleven  o'clock  with- 
out any  obstacle.  Dined  with  him  at  Breteuil's.  He  is 
going  to  Vienna  from  the  queen  to  inform  the  emperor  of 
their  position,  the  state  of  France,  and  their  positive  desire 
for  succour.  He  saw  them  secretly  ;  the  queen  said :  "  Tell 
the  emperor  the  nation  has  too  much  need  of  the  king  and 
his  son  for  them  to  have  anything  to  fear ;  they  are  the  ones 
it  is  important  to  rescue.  As  for  me,  I  fear  nothing,  and  I 
would  rather  run  all  possible  dangers  than  live  any  longer  in 
my  present  state  of  degradation  and  unhappiness."  Simolin 
was  touched  to  tears  as  he  spoke  of  it.  He  told  me  of  the 
queen's  charming  letters  to  the  emperor  and  the  empress  and 
Prince  Kaunitz.  M.  de  Mercy,  whom  he  had  seen,  held  the 
usual  language.  Simolin  reproached  him  for  his  conduct, 
so  different  from  that  indicated  in  his  declarations  at  Padua ; 
he  told  him  he  had  deceived  the  Powers,  and  he  forced  him 
to  admit  it. 

The  orders  of  the  Empress  of  Russia  to  Simolin  were :  to 
make  the  declaration  at  Padua,  to  rally  always  to  the  most 
vigorous  measure  that  was  proposed,  without  waiting  for  new 
instructions,  and  to  leave  Paris  at  once  if  the  other  ministers 
left. 

10th.     All  my  arrangements  are  made  to  start. 

11th.  Saturday.  Started  at  half-past  nine  in  a  courier's 
chaise  with  Reutersvaerd,  and  no  servant.  "We  had  a 
courier's  passport  for  Portugal  under  feigned  names.  The 
letters  and  memorial  of  the  king  [of  Sweden]  to  the  King 
of  France,  addressed  to  the  Queen  of  Portugal,  I  put  into 
an  envelope  of  the  ambassador  of  Sweden  to  Paris,  with  a 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  245 

false  cipher  to  which  I  counterfeited  the  signature  of  the 
king,  and  another  cipher,  also  false,  for  Bergstedt,  charge" 
d'affaires ;  the  whole  sealed  with  arms  of  Sweden,  made  here. 
I  had  also,  for  my  own  safety,  a  letter  accrediting  me  to  the 
Queen  of  Portugal 

By  eight  o'clock  we  were  at  Tournai,  where  we  slept. 

12th.  Left  at  half-past  three  in  the  morning.  Reuters- 
vaerd  went  in  the  evening  to  see  M.  d'Aponcourt,  command- 
ant, to  get  the  gates  opened.  He  took  him  for  a  Swedish 
courier,  and  told  him  he  would  not  get  to  Paris  in  fifteen 
days,  and  would  be  stopped  everywhere.  At  Orchies  nothing 
was  said  to  us  :  we  breakfasted  at  Bouchain,  dined  at  Bona- 
vis,  and  slept  at  Gournai ;  our  chaise  broke  down  at  P^ronne 
and  we  were  there  four  hours.  Eeached  Gournai  at  half- 
past  one  in  the  morning.  I  kept  myself  hidden ;  I  had  a 
wig.  Everywhere  they  were  very  polite,  especially  at 
Peronne,  —  even  the  National  Guard. 

13th,  Monday.  Fine  and  mild.  Started  at  half-past  nine. 
Stopped  two  hours  at  Louvres  for  dinner;  reached  Paris 
without  accident  at  half-past  five  in  the  evening,  without  a 
word  being  said  to  us.  Left  my  officer  at  the  H6tel  des 
Princes,  rue  Richelieu ;  took  a  fiacre  to  go  to  Goguelat,  rue 
Pelletier.  The  coachman  did  not  know  the  way.  Another 
fiacre  told  us.  Goguelat  was  not  there ;  waited  in  the  street 
till  half-past  six.  Did  not  come.  Felt  uneasy.  Went  to 
join  Reutersvaerd.  He  could  not  get  a  room  at  the  H6tel 
des  Princes  and  they  did  not  know  where  he  had  gone.  Re- 
turned to  Goguelat.  Not  in.  Decided  to  wait  in  the  street. 
At  last  at  seven  he  came.  My  letter  had  only  arrived  at 
midday  that  morning,  and  they  had  not  been  able  to  decipher 
it  earlier.  Went  to  the  queen;  took  my  usual  way  ;  afraid 
of  the  National  Guard ;  did  not  see  the  king. 

14th.     Very  fine  and  mild.     Saw  the  king  at  six  in  the 


246  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap,  el 

evening.  He  will  not  leave ;  cannot,  on  account  of  extreme 
vigilance ;  but  the  truth  is,  he  has  scruples,  having  so  often 
promised  to  remain  —  for  he  is  an  honest  man.  He  has, 
however,  consented  that  when  the  armies  arrive,  he  will  go 
with  smugglers,  always  through  woods,  and  let  himself  be 
met  by  a  detachment  of  ligh1>troops.  He  wants  the  con- 
gress to  concern  itself  at  first  solely  with  his  demands  and 
if  they  are  granted  then  to  insist  that  he  shall  leave  Paris  for 
some  place  chosen  for  the  ratification.  If  this  is  refused,  he 
consents  that  the  Powers  shall  act,  and  he  submits  to  all 
dangers.  He  thinks  he  risks  nothing,  because  the  rebels 
need  him  to  obtain  the  terms  of  a  capitulation. 

The  king  wore  the  cordon  rouge  [Order  of  Saint-Louis]. 
He  sees  that  there  is  no  resource  except  in  force ;  but,  in 
consequence  of  his  feebleness,  he  thinks  it  impossible  to  re- 
cover all  his  authority.  I  proved  to  him  the  contrary ;  told 
him  it  could  be  done  by  force  and  that  the  Powers  desired 
to  do  it.  He  agreed.  Nevertheless,  if  he  is  not  constantly 
encouraged,  I  am  afraid  he  will  be  tempted  to  negotiate  with 
the  rebels. 

After  a  time  he  said  to  me :  "  Ah,  ga  !  here  we  are  alone 
and  we  can  speak.  I  know  that  I  am  taxed  with  weakness 
and  irresolution,  but  no  one  was  ever  in  my  position.  I 
know  that  I  missed  the  right  moment ;  it  was  July  14 ;  I 
ought  to  have  gone  then,  and  I  wished  it ;  but  what  could 
I  do  when  Monsieur  himself  begged  me  not  to  go,  and  Mare*- 
chal  de  Broglie  who  commanded  said :  '  Yes,  we  can  go  to 
Metz,  but  what  shall  we  do  when  we  get  there  ? '  —  I  lost 
the  moment,  and  since  then  I  have  never  found  it ;  I  have 
been  abandoned  by  all  the  world."  He  begged  me  to  warn 
the  Powers  that  they  must  not  be  shocked  at  anything  he 
was  obliged  to  do ;  for  he  was  obliged,  —  it  was  the  effect  of 
compulsion.    'They  must,'  he  said,  'put  me  entirely  aside 


1792]  Count  axel  fersen.  247 

and  let  me  act  as  I  may.'  He  desired  also  that  it  should  be 
explained  to  the  Powers  that  he  had  sanctioned  the  decree 
on  the  sequestration  of  the  property  of  the  Smigres  solely 
for  the  purpose  of  preserving  it ;  otherwise,  it  would  have 
been  pillaged  and  burned  ;  but  that  he  would  never  consent 
to  have  it  sold  as  national  property.  He  also  wished  to  veto 
the  decree  on  passports. 

The  queen  told  me  that  she  saw  Alex.  Lameth  and 
Duport ;  that  they  told  her  incessantly  there  was  no  remedy 
but  that  of  foreign  troops ;  without  them  all  was  lost ;  that 
this  state  of  things  could  not  last ;  that  they  themselves  had 
gone  farther  than  they  wished ;  that  it  was  the  folly  of  the 
aristocrats  which  had  made  their  success,  and  the  conduct 
of  the  Court,  which  could  have  arrested  all  if  it  had  joined 
with  them.  They  talked  of  aristocrats,  but  she  thought  it 
was  really  the  effect  of  their  hatred  to  the  present  Assembly, 
in  which  they  are  nothing  and  have  no  influence ;  they  are 
frightened,  seeing  that  all  must  change,  and  they  wish  to 
make  themselves  a  merit  in  advance.  But  she  thinks  them 
bad  ;  does  not  trust  them ;  but  uses  them,  finding  it  serviceable 
to  do  so.  All  the  ministers  are  traitors  who  betray  the  king. 
M.  Cahier  de  Gerville  is  the  worst,  and  threatens  constantly 
to  leave  the  Counil  and  denounce  his  associates.  Bertrand 
[minister  of  the  navy]  is  good,  but  alone  he  can  do  nothing. 
Narbonne  and  Lessart  [war  and  post]  will  do  everything  to 
preserve  themselves,  and  nothing  for  the  king.  Cahier  de  Ger- 
ville was  a  little  lawyer  at  seven  hundred  francs  a  year.  — 
Mile.  Bocherette  [the  dauphin's  maid,  in  fear  of  whom  the 
flight  to  Varennes  was  delayed]  was  Gouvion's  mistress  and 
told  him  everything.  She  had  nothing  but  suspicions. 
Questioned  on  the  day  after  the  departure,  she  said  horrors 
about  the  queen ;  being  asked  if  she  had  not  heard  passing 
through  that  door,  and  whether,  as  she  did  not  give  warning, 


248  DIARY  AND   CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap,  ix 

she  was  afraid,  she  said  she  heard  passing  so  often  after  the 
king  had  gone  to  bed,  that  it  seemed  nothing  new  to  her.  — 
For  some  time,  the  guard  was  often  tripled ;  it  was  so  on  the 
afternoon  of  June  20.  M.  de  Valori,  who  had  been  told  he 
would  be  sent  as  courier  with  his  two  comrades,  repeated  it 
to  his  mistress,  who  was  also  the  mistress  of  M.  .  .  .  one  of 
the  fanatics.  —  As  the  queen  crossed  the  Great  Carrousel  she 
sent  M.  de  .  .  .  ,  who  accompanied  her  and  who  did  not 
know  the  way,  to  ask  the  sentinel  on  horseback  where  the 
Little  Carrousel  was.  At  Chalons  they  were  recognized ;  a 
man  warned  the  mayor,  who  took  the  course  of  telling  him 
that  if  he  were  sure  he  had  only  to  make  it  public,  but  he 
must  be  responsible  for  results.  The  body-guard  good 
for  nothing.  On  the  way  back  [from  Varennes]  M.  de 
Dampierre,  who  came  to  see  them,  gave  his  arm  to  one  of 
the  dauphin's  maids  to  help  her  into  the  carriage.  She 
warned  him  to  go  away,  as  they  were  all  against  him.  He 
said  no.  He  mounted  his  horse,  and  fifty  paces  on  they  shot 
him  like  a  rabbit  on  the  plain ;  when  he  fell  from  his  horse 
they  massacred  him  and  came  back  to  the  carriage  with 
their  hands  all  bloody  and  carrying  his  head.  —  The  queen 
gave  a  piece  of  beef-a-la-mode,  which  I  had  put  into  the 
carriage,  to  a  man ;  a  voice  cried  out :  "  Don't  eat  it ;  don't 
you  see  they  want  to  poison  you  ? "  The  queen  immediately 
ate  some  and  gave  some  to  the  dauphin.  —  Latour-Maubourg 
and  Barnave  behaved  very  well.  Potion  was  indecent.  The 
first  would  not  get  into  the  carriage  with  the  king ;  he  told 
them  they  might  feel  sure  of  him,  but  it  was  important  to 
win  over  the  two  others.  Potion  told  them  he  knew  every- 
thing ;  how  they  had  taken  a  hired  carriage  close  to  the 
palace  driven  by  a  Swede  named  —  here  he  pretended  not 
to  know  my  name  and  asked  the  queen  to  tell  him.  She 
replied :  "  I  am  not  in  the  habit  of  knowing  the  names  of 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  249 

hackney- coachmen." — Mile.  Rocherette  presented  herself  in 
full  dress ;  she  expected  to  be  their  chamber-maid.  Before 
the  departure  she  had  several  times  searched  the  queen's 
desk.  —  They  were  from  six  o'clock  in  the  morning  till  seven 
at  night  from  Meaux  to  the  Tuileries,  without  daring  to  let 
down  the  blinds  of  the  carriage.  —  During  the  next  six 
weeks  officers  were  in  the  adjoining  room.  They  wanted  to 
sleep  in  the  queen's  chamber.  All  she  could  obtain  was  that 
they  would  keep  between  the  two  doors ;  two  or  three  times 
during  the  night  they  came  in  to  see  if  she  was  in  her  bed. 
Once,  when  she  could  not  sleep  and  lit  her  lantern,  an  officer 
came  in  and  established  a  conversation.  A  camp  beneath 
the  windows  kept  up  an  infernal  uproar.  Every  night  the 
officers  in  the  room  were  relieved  every  two  hours.1 

21st.  At  six  o'clock  went  out ;  found  Reuters vaerd,  with 
whom  I  made  all  arrangements  for  departure  at  midnight. 
I  accompanied  Goguelat  to  take  leave  of  the  king  and  queen. 
The  queen  sent  me  word  that  the  answer  to  the  bad  memo- 
rial she  had  sent  to  the  emperor,  written  by  Barnave,  Lameth, 
and  Duport,  had  just  arrived  and  was  detestable.  I  took 
tea  and  supped  with  them.  At  midnight  I  left  them. 
Frantz  let  me  out  by  the  great  gate.  I  did  not  find  Reuters- 
vaerd,  which  made  me  uneasy.  At  the  end  of  a  quarter  of 
an  hour  he  came ;  we  went  to  his  inn,  where  the  landlord, 
though  Protestant  and  a  democrat,  had  loaded  him  with 
kindness,  as  did  every  one. 

At  one  o'clock  we  got  into  the  carriage,  —  a  light  one  with 
three  horses. 

22d.  Wednesday.  Passed  Senlis  at  half-past  three  without 
difficulty.     At  Pons,  though  the  National  Guard  were  already 

1  Further  particulars  of  these  interviews  with  the  king  and  queen  will 
be  found  in  Count  Fersen's  report  to  the  King  of  Sweden,  February  29, 
1792.  — Tb. 


250  DiARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OP         [chap.   ix. 

afoot,  nothing  was  said  to  us.  We  breakfasted  at  Gournai ; 
it  snowed  there  for  an  hour  rather  hard ;  then  fine  and  cold. 
We  were  much  delayed  by  the  slippery  roads.  Beached 
Bonavis  at  seven  in  the  evening.  Supped  badly  and  slept  in 
our  clothes,  in  the  cartmen's  room. 

23d.  Fine,  very  cold.  Started  at  half-past  six,  roads 
dreadful  as  far  as  Cambrai;  stayed  there  one  hour  and  a 
half ;  the  postilions  would  not  start,  on  account  of  the  roads, 
and  the  post-master  told  me  that  in  times  like  these  he  could 
not  force  them  to  go.  At  last,  one  of  them,  in  view  of  the 
lightness  of  our  carriage  agreed  to  do  so.  We  passed  Bou- 
chain  very  well,  but  at  a  little  village  of  a  dozen  houses,  half 
a  league  before  Marchiennes,  I  was  awakened  by  the  stop- 
ping of  the  carriage,  and  some  one  asked  Eeutersvaerd  for 
his  passport.  I  pretended  to  be  asleep.  After  studying  it 
five  minutes,  the  man  said  it  was  worth  nothing;  it  said 
"  by  the  order  of  the  king,"  and  not  "  by  order  of  the  law ; " 
besides,  there  was  no  description  of  our  persons  ;  it  was  not 
good.  Eeutersvaerd  got  angry  and  said :  "  But  it  is  a  pass- 
port from  the  embassy;  they  ought  to  know  how  to  write 
them,  and  our  minister  would  never  have  given  it  to  us  if  it 
was  not  all  right."  The  man  said  :  "  It  does  not  conform  to 
the  model  we  have ;  it  is  worth  nothing."  Then  the  pos- 
tilion, who  saw  the  courier's  badge,  said:  "But,  monsieur, 
don't  you  see  that  these  gentlemen  are  couriers  ?  You  have 
no  right  to  stop  them."  "  Of  course  not,"  said  Eeutersvaerd, 
"  and  Swedish  couriers,  too ;  that  is  in  the  passport ;  and 
here  is  that  of  our  minister."  The  imbecile  had  never  dis- 
covered this  and  at  first,  when  he  saw  that  Eeutersvaerd  was 
polite,  he  was  insolent.  After  reading  the  paper  a  second 
time  he  let  us  pass,  saying  that  we  must  not  be  surprised  if 
they  stopped  us  at  Marchiennes ;  which  was  done  at  the  only 
gate  there  was  to  the  town  by  a  sentinel  in  a  gray  jacket 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  251 

The  officer,  in  a  brown  coat,  let  us  pass  on  our  telling 
him  we  were  couriers  and  showing  him  our  passports.  .  .  . 
By  four  o'clock  we  were  at  Tournai,  where  we  dined  well  and 
in  the  same  chamber  where  we  slept  on  our  way.  What  a 
difference !  We  reached  Brussels  at  three  the  next  morning. 
My  joy  was  great  in  having  succeeded  and  being  once  more 
at  home. 

27th.  Baron  de  Breteuil  warns  me  that  M.  de  Mercy  com- 
plains of  the  dissatisfaction  the  queen  shows  with  the  em- 
peror, and  believes  that  I  am  the  cause  of  it ;  he  gave  the 
baron  to  understand  that  he  had  discovered  this.  It  could 
only  be  through  my  letters,  and  I  do  not  believe  he  could 
decipher  them,  for  the  Swedish  cipher  is  very  difficult ;  and 
as  for  my  letters  to  Paris,  all  are  written  in  white  ink,  and 
they  would  not  have  reached  their  destination  intact  had 
they  been  washed  and  read.  This  is  a  mere  suspicion  on 
their  part  because  they  find  that  the  King  of  France  has  him- 
self addressed  the  Powers.  M.  de  Mercy  let  M.  de  Breteuil 
know  that  I  was  much  suspected  and  very  inconvenient,  and 
he  begged  him  never  to  tell  me  anything  that  he  confided  to 
him.  That  does  not  trouble  me ;  it  only  proves  that  they 
did  not  think  me  so  clear-sighted.  I  went  to  see  M.  de 
Mercy ;  he  talked  to  me  of  affairs,  of  the  annoyance  the 
princes  were ;  he  said  they  must  be  got  away,  and  had  much 
better  be  in  the  South.  I  was  of  his  opinion,  except  as  to 
sending  them  wholly  away ;  they  could  be  made  useful  on 
the  second  line  and  by  directing  their  conduct. 

5th.  Dined  with  M.  de  BreteuiL  Thugut  and  Browne 
launched  out  against  the  emperor,  in  displeasure  that  he 
would  not  act.  The  first  added  that  he  was  sure  of  it.  He 
also  doubted  whether  the  emperor  desired  to  restore  things 
as  they  were  in  France,  and  said  that,  to  make  sure  of  this, 
we  had  better  ask  M.  de  Mercy  whether  he  expected  that 

Ver.  8  17  Mem. 


252  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  ix. 

the  management  of  the  finances  would  be  restored  to  the 
king  as  before  the  revolution.  Thugut  believes,  and  I  am  of 
his  opinion,  that  the  emperor  wants  to  avoid  acting ;  if 
forced  to  do  so  he  wants  to  be  strong  enough  with  Prussia 
to  exclude  the  Northern  Powers  and  give  France  a  mixed 
government  which  would  make  her  dependent  on  him  and 
take  from  her  all  her  strength  and  influence  in  Europe. 
For  this  reason  he  has  consented  to  the  fifty  thousand  men 
promised  by  Prussia  in  order  to  represent  that  force  to  the 
Northern  Courts  as  sufficient,  and  so  prevent  them  from 
sending  troops;  and  if  he  cannot  succeed  in  that,  at  least 
to  have  a  great  superiority  in  deciding  matters.  But  with 
the  influence  of  the  Empress  of  Russia,  the  good-will  of  Prus- 
sia, and  the  ambition  of  the  Duke  of  Brunswick,  that 
plan  can  easily  be  foiled,  and  then  the  princes  must  be  put 
forward,  made  to  make  demands  (concerted  with  the  king), 
to  which  the  Powers  would  have  the  air  of  yielding.  He 
advised  the  baron  not  to  bind  himself  towards  de  Mercy  for 
any  repayment  of  money  until  the  king  was  restored  to  his 
full  authority. 

8th.  The  Bishop  of  Pamiers  came  at  half-past  seven  to 
tell  me  that  the  emperor  had  died  suddenly ;  the  perform- 
ance at  the  theatre  was  interrupted,  the  actor  announced  the 
news,  and  there  were  two  or  three  applauses.  I  knew  al- 
ready that  a  courier  had  arrived.  The  archduchess  was 
ignorant;  she  even  sent  M.  de  Metternich  after  dinner  to 
inquire  if  there  were  any  letters  for  her.  Later  in  the  even- 
ing she  sent  for  all  the  generals  and  spoke  to  them  very 
well  and  firmly.  —  The  Vicomte  de  Verac,  who  came  to  see 
me  in  the  evening,  told  me  the  people  were  saying  about 
the  streets :  "  The  emperor  is  dead ;  well,  that 's  good ! "  He, 
the  bishop,  and  many  others  think  this  will  change  and  delay 
everything.     I  am  not  of  that  opinion ;  I  showed  them  why, 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  253 

and  I  felt  that  Baron  de  Breteuil  agreed  with  me.  I  decided 
to  write  my  opinion  to  the  queen  and  send  it  the  next  day 
by  post. 

9  th.  In  all  societies  last  night  the  emperor's  death  had 
little  effect  and  did  not  upset  the  various  parties.  The  gen- 
erals did  not  show  the  slightest  regret,  but  almost  the  con- 
trary. Thugut  told  the  baron  he  was  glad.  In  the  city  the 
news  made  no  sensation;  the  officials  were  even  pleased. 
Papers  were  scattered  about  inciting  the  people  to  revolt, 
saying  this  was  the  moment  to  rise,  they  must  profit  by 
it  and  seduce  the  soldiery.  The  gates  of  the  town  were 
closed  after  eleven  in  the  morning,  but  nothing  riotous  ap- 
peared in  the  streets.  —  Some  say  the  emperor  died  of  con- 
gestion of  the  lungs,  others,  among  them  the  chancellor  and 
M.  de  Metternich,  that  he  had  an  attack  of  colic,  was  bled 
three  times ;  the  attack  returned  at  midday  and  he  died  in 
horrible  vomitings.  By  which  they  mean  that  he  was  poi- 
soned. So  much  the  better,  if  it  proves  to  them  the  necessity 
of  exterminating  those  French  monsters.  But  the  chancel- 
lor's purpose  in  crediting  that  tale  is,  on  the  contrary,  to 
prove  the  danger  of  interfering  in  the  affairs  of  France. 

13th.  M.  de  Narbonne  is  dismissed  from  the  ministry 
[of  war]  by  the  king  in  consequence  of  his  base  conduct 
towards  M.  Bertrand,  minister  of  the  navy,  whom  he  en- 
deavoured in  every  possible  way  to  ruin,  and  also  because  of 
letters  which  he  made  the  generals  Eochambeau,  Luckner, 
and  Lafayette  write  to  him  to  preserve  his  ministry.  The 
Chevalier  de  Grave,  a  young  democrat,  twenty-eight  to  thirty 
years  of  age,  succeeds  him.  This  is  a  triumph  for  the  Jaco- 
bins. It  was  MM.  Duport,  Barnave,  and  Lameth  who 
wanted  the  dismissal  of  M.  de  Narbonne;  they  were  dis- 
satisfied with  him,  and  said  he  deceived  them. 

18th.   Letter  from  Crawford,  which  makes  me  all  the  more 


254  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  ix. 

uneasy  because  the  Chevalier  de  Coigny  had  sent  me  word 
of  a  project  of  the  Jacobins  to  put  the  queen  in  a  convent  or 
take  her  to  Orleans  to  be  confronted  with  M.  de  Lessart; 
and  a  few  days  ago  March  10,  M.  Vergniaud  said  in  the 
Assembly :  "  Terror  must  now  enter  that  palace  from  which 
it  has  issued  so  many  times;  let  all  those  who  are  in  it 
tremble ;  there  is  but  one  person  there  who  is  inviolable." 

22d.  Letter  from  Mme.  de  Lamballe  to  Baron  de  Breteuil 
saying  that  they  want  to  denounce  the  queen  in  the  affair  of 
M.  de  Lessart  [late  director  of  posts]  and  separate  her  thus 
from  the  king  to  put  her  in  a  convent.  This  confirms  my 
letter  from  Crawford.  I  believe  in  the  project,  but  I  doubt 
its  execution.  The  Abb£  de  Saint- Albin  says  he  thinks  the 
queen  will  go  away.  I  do  not  believe  she  will  ever  separate 
from  the  king :  and  where  could  she  go  ?  it  would  be  diffi- 
cult to  go  anywhere,  on  account  of  Coblentz. 

23d.  Found  Goguelat  when  I  came  home;  he  passed 
through  Calais,  Dover,  and  Ostend.  He  left  them  eight  days 
ago.  Their  position  is  horrible.  I  give  the  details  in  my 
letter  to  the  king  of  the  24th.  He  heard  the  deputies  say : 
"  Lessart  will  get  out  of  this,  but  the  queen  will  not."  Go- 
guelat had  a  little  paper  [to  the  new  emperor]  which  read 
thus :  — 

"  I  beg  you,  my  nephew,  to  have  confidence  in  all  that  the 

bearer  may  tell  you  from  us. 

"  Marie-Antoinette." 

"  I  join  your  aunt,  and  think  absolutely  as  she  does. 

■  Louis." 

We  went  to  see  Baron  de  Breteuil.  He  had  the  air,  I 
thought,  of  not  approving  this  step ;  but  he  said  nothing. 

25th.  Dined  at  home  with  Baron  Thugut.  He  thinks 
wonderfully  well.     He  told  me  there  were  fifteen  thousand 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  255 

men  in  the  Milanese  provinces  to  protect  the  King  of  Sar- 
dinia. He  disapproved  of  the  emperor's  reply  which  caused 
the  dismissal  of  Lessart.  He  wanted  an  insignificant  one, 
and  the  immediate  despatch  of  fifty  thousand  men,  after 
which  a  firm  answer.  He  blames  Mercy  and  those  who 
made  the  answer;  wished  they  would  act  with  vigour  at 
once  and  enable  the  king  to  leave. 

April  3d.  The  Due  d'Uzes,  at  the  head  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  French  gentlemen,  came  to  see  me  to  ask  news  about  the 
assassination  of  the  King  of  Sweden.     Letter  to  the  queen. 

12th.  Received  letters  from  Sweden  of  the  23d  and  27th. 
The  bulletin  bad.  In  Brdgart's  envelope  a  paper  was  added 
on  which  was  written  that  the  king  died  on  the  29th  towards 
midday.  I  was  horror-struck.  Baron  Hopp,  the  Dutch 
minister,  said  the  same  thing.  I  tried  to  hope  it  was  false, 
but  I  could  not ;  the  details  on  his  condition  were  too  bad. 
I  am  tortured. 

17th.  Dined  with  Breteuil.  Thugut  told  him  that  the 
King  of  Hungary  1  had  written  here  that  he  was  weary  of 
what  was  going  on  in  France,  and  had  decided  to  act  and 
put  an  end  to  it ;  that  he  should  march  his  troops  at  once, 
and  the  French  must  be  amused  for  two  months  until  the 
troops  arrived;  then,  whether  the  French  attacked  him  or 
not,  he  should  attack  them. 

25th.  An  engineer  officer,  named  Obredi,  who  was  sent 
to  reconnoitre  the  coimtry,  the  French,  and  the  disposition 
of  the  inhabitants,  reports  that  M.  de  Eochambeau  is  en- 
camped, since  Monday  at  Maubeuge,  opposite  to  Mons,  in  a 
very  fine  intrenched  position;  and  that  nothing  hinders  the 

1  Francis,  son  of  the  Emperor  Leopold  succeeded  his  father  in  his 
hereditary  dominions  as  King  of  Hungary  and  sovereign  of  Austria,  but 
was  not  called  Emperor  of  Germany  until  his  election,  July  6,  1792  as 
Francis  II :  — Tb. 


256  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  ix. 

French  from  entering  the  country  and  coming  to  Brussels; 
that  no  precautions  are  being  taken  to  prevent  it ;  that  the 
troops  are  so  placed  that  they  can  be  cut  off  with  no  chance 
of  reuniting;  that  absolutely  nothing  is  being  done;  that 
this  is  horrible,  and  there  is  not  a  moment  to  be  lost. 
When  he  made  this  report  to  the  archduchess  she  burst  into 
tears,  and  said  she  was  lost.  He  thinks  the  inhabitants 
about  the  frontiers  are  very  ill-disposed.  In  short,  he  thinks 
their  position  [that  of  the  government  of  the  Low  Countries] 
very  dangerous,  and  their  inertia  and  apathy  extreme. 
Nothing  has  been  done.  The  jealousy  of  General  Browne 
against  General  Bender  is  excessive  and  will  spoil  all.  The 
former  has  never  been  to  reconnoitre  the  country.  A  faith- 
ful man  in  Namur,  who  has  been  a  patriot,  asked  two  months 
ago,  through  M.  de  Breteuil,  to  be  called  here  to  give  impor- 
tant information  to  the  government.  M.  de  Metternich  for- 
got it,  and  he  has  not  yet  been  called  or  heard.  When 
important  affairs  are  talked  of  to  the  archduchess  she  weeps ; 
Due  Albert  [her  husband]  chatters;  Mercy  says  there  is 
nothing  to  be  done,  but  he  will  talk  of  it  with  Metternich, 
who  forgets  it  —  it  is  all  abominable.  If  they  suffered  alone 
it  would  not  be  so  bad.  Bender  wanted  to  form  a  cordon 
from  Ostend  to  Luxembourg :  fine  stupidity !  They  are 
going  to  encamp  and  take  a  position.  General  Ferrari,  a 
man  of  merit  is  indignant.  He  is  not  employed ;  but  he  has 
pointed  out  several  positions  important  to  guard,  which  they 
had  never  thought  of. 

26th.  Dined  at  Court ;  the  archduchess  did  not  speak  to 
me.  Kochambeau's  camp  has  only  100  cannon  and  1200 
men.  He  writes  from  Valenciennes  to  General  Beaulieu  at 
Mons ;  his  letter  is  dated  "  Year  IV.  of  Liberty."  In  it  he 
deplores  the  evils  of  war  and  asks,  to  spare  blood,  that  no 
hostilities  shall  take  place  on  either  side  until  the  guerre 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  257 

franche  (?)  has  begun.  He  says  he  is  not  authorized  to 
make  this  proposal,  but  he  hopes  that  the  general  will  con- 
vey it  to  the  general  government,  and  if  they  have  not  con- 
fidence in  him,  he  will  send  a  courier  to  Paris  and  obtain  the 
king's  orders.  He  speaks  in  his  own  name.  His  aide-de- 
camp reached  Mons  as  the  parade  was  beginning ;  they  let 
him  see  it,  and  then  sent  him  back. 

30th.  Received  news  in  the  morning  that  there  had  been 
an  affair  near  Tournai,  where  the  French  were  repulsed. 
The  Austrians  had  been  very  uneasy  all  day  about  Mons.  At 
two  o'clock  I  met  M.  de  Metternich ;  he  told  me  that  they  had 
just  heard  of  an  affair  at  the  outposts  of  Mons;  he  added 
that  he  had  felt  the  keenest  anxiety  lest  the  troops  had  not 
assembled  before  the  French  attack,  but  that  now  he  was 
easy  on  that  point.  "  At  any  rate,"  he  said,  "  it  would  not 
have  been  my  fault;  for  I  have  warned  them  for  the  last 
three  weeks,  and  never  ceased  to  urge  them  about  it;  but 
they  did  nothing."  Returning  from  a  drive  at  eight  in  the 
evening,  I  heard  that  the  French  had  been  repulsed  and 
well-beaten  at  Mons ;  that  at  least  is  what  Count  Metternich 
wrote  me. 

May  10th.  The  princes  have  written  to  the  archduchess 
offering  her  all  the  Frenchmen  who  are  under  their  orders, 
and  they  wrote  the  same  to  Vienna.  She  answered  she 
could  decide  nothing  without  the  orders  of  the  king  [of 
Hungary].  She  did  this  by  the  advice  of  M.  de  Mercy,  who 
told  M.  de  Breteuil  they  had  decided  not  to  use  Frenchmen, 
and  not  to  admit  them  to  participate  in  anything.  He  told 
Thugut  that  his  chief  fear  was  that  the  Baron  de  Breteuil 
was  mixed  in  this  affair,  and  he  must  be  excluded.  He 
asked  him  to  say  in  Vienna  (where  Thugut  is  now  going) 
that  although  he  had  previously  decided  to  retire,  he  should 
now  stay  on,  because  of  these  important  circumstances  in 


258  DIARY  AND   CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  ix. 

which  he  might  be  useful;  that  he  would  continue  to 
negotiate  affairs  and  desired  to  be  charged  with  making 
peace;  but  on  condition  that  he  had  full  powers  to  make  it 
as  he  pleased.  In  all  he  says  one  sees  his  desire  to  negotiate 
and  come  to  some  agreement,  which  could  only  be  bad  be- 
cause he  is  allied,  through  La  Borde,  with  the  constitutionals 
Barnave,  Lameth,  Duport,  etc. ;  and  he  has  not  spoken  to 
the  Baron  about  the  princes'  offer.  I  advised  the  baron  to 
repeat  to  him  the  same  offer,  and  show  him  the  advantage  of 
accepting  it  and  the  danger  of  refusing  it  at  a  moment  when 
they  have  not  enough  troops  and  when  the  emigres  could  be 
of  use  in  enticing  the  French  to  desert,  and  if  he  refuses,  to 
request  him  to  remember  the  fact  that  the  offer  had  been 
made. 

26th.  Strttcker  has  arrived.  Says  that  disorder  at  Valen- 
ciennes is  at  its  height.  Bochambeau  would  have  been 
massacred  like  Dillon  if  he  had  not  kept  himself  hidden 
in  the  Abbey  of  Saint-Sauve  for  three  days;  where  they 
went  three  times  in  search  of  him.  On  Monday,  Luckner 
wanted  to  break  camp ;  the  troops  refused,  swearing  against 

that foreigner  who  wanted  to  lead  them  to  butchery,  and 

threatening  to  hang  him.  The  Boyal-Swedish  refused  to 
go  into  garrison  at  Douai  Three  soldiers  met  the  Due 
d'Orl^ans;  they  stopped  him  and  insulted  him,  declaring 
that  if  he  made  them  start  they  would  massacre  him ;  that 
it  was  he  who  was  instigating  all  this  ;  that  he  was  a  scoun- 
drel, and  his  proper  place  was  at  Coblentz  with  the  other 
princes,  but  his  behaviour  had  been  so  bad  he  dared  not  go 
there. 

June  7th.  Bergstedt  [Swedish  secretary  of  embassy  in 
Paris]  arrived  at  9  o'clock  last  evening;  passed  safely 
through  Valenciennes.  Says  the  Jacobins  in  Paris  are  quiet 
since  the  king's  body-guard  has  been  dismissed;  they  want 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  259 

to  be  masters  of  his  person  and  cany  him  off  with  them ;  he 
thinks  they  could  succeed,  for  those  who  wish  to  prevent  it 
have  no  leader;  and  as  the  majors  [chefs  de  bataillon]  com- 
mand the  National  Guard  for  two  months,  they  cannot  have 
any.  Servan  has  quarrelled  with  Dumouriez,  who  wanted  to 
rule  every  thing.  ...  It  was  Mme.  de  Stael  [wife  of 
Swedish  ambassador]  who  wrote  the  letters  of  the  generals 
to  Narbonne,  and  who  got  Lessart  dismissed.  All  the  con- 
stitutionals, friends  of  Narbonne,  did  not  go  to  the  Assembly 
to  defend  him,  and  in  that  way  the  Jacobins  succeeded  in 
arraigning  him.  It  was  an  intrigue  of  Mme.  de  Stael.  She 
always  carries  poison  on  her  to  take  in  case  anything  hap- 
pens to  Narbonne.  She  went,  disguised  as  a  man,  to  see  him 
at  Arras;  her  carriage  was  overturned  on  the  way  back; 
all  that  made  talk.  She  was  absent  from  Tuesday  to 
Sunday. 

24th.  Keceived"  Cosmopolite"  of  21st.  Frightful  account 
of  an  attack  on  the  Tuileries  on  the  20th ;  horrible !  the  con- 
sequences make  me  shudder. 

July  8th.  Lasserez  has  arrived  with  letters  from  the 
queen  to  me  and  to  Mercy.  She  wants  them  to  act  and 
speak  at  once.  It  cannot  be  done  until  the  forces  arrive ; 
for  they  must  speak  only  when  acting. 

9th.  Saw  Mercy.  He  is  of  my  opinion  that  they  must 
be  ready  to  act  when  they  speak.  The  queen  asked  that  in 
their  manifesto  they  would  hold  Paris  responsible  for  the 
king  and  his  family.  She  asks  if  it  would  not  be  best  to 
leave  Paris.  He  answered,  "  Yes  "  if  they  were  sure  of  per- 
sons to  protect  their  departure,  and  if  so,  they  should  go  to 
Compiegne,  and  appeal  to  the  departments  of  Amiens  and 
Soissons.  He  talked  to  me  very  well  about  the  manifesto ; 
said  hope  must  be  left  to  all,  except  the  factious,  in  order  to 
save  the  king ;  the  Constitution  not  to  be  mentioned ;  make 


260  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  ix. 

war  upon  it,  but  say  nothing,  and  so  annihilate  it.  He  com- 
plained of  those  who  surrounded  the  Baron  de  Breteuil  and 
prevented  him,  Mercy,  from  confiding  in  him  ;  and  said  that 
the  king  could  not  recover  his  authority  at  once,  —  that 
was  impossible,  —  only  little  by  little.  Said  he  himself  was 
calumniated,  accused  of  coldness  to  the  interests  of  the  queen ; 
that  his  correspondence  would  prove  the  contrary ;  but  that 
he  dared  not  trust  the  French,  who,  one  and  all,  even  the 
aristocrats,  were  worth  nothing:  he  had  always  written 
urging  action  to  Vienna,  but  could  never  bring  anything 
about.  —  He  said  all  this  with  temper  and  impatience.  He 
was  indignant  at  the  conduct  of  Spain,  which  covered  her, 
he  said,  with  mud. 

10th.  Sent  Lasserez  back  with  letter  to  the  queen.  In 
the  "  Gazette  Universelle  "  of  the  7th  a  horrible  speech  by 
M.  Danton  to  the  council-general  of  the  Commune  of  Paris. 
It  is  frightful.     Wrote  to  the  queen  by  post.1 

14th.  I  have  received  from  Paris  a  pamphlet  entitled : 
"  Le  Cri  de  la  douleur"  —  The  "  Cry  of  Pain,  or  the  Day  of 
June  20th."  It  is  written  by  Mercier ;  very  well  done  and 
worthy  of  preservation. 

23d.  Eeceived  four  letters  from  Paris.  Their  situation  is 
alarming ;  they  ask  for  the  issuing  of  the  manifesto  and  the 
entrance  of  the  armies.  They  think  they  will  be  removed 
into  the  interior.  The  queen  would  not  yield  to  the  pro- 
posal of  the  constitutionals,  with  Lafayette  and  Luckner,  to 
go  to  Compiegne,  fearing  to  fall  into  their  hands  and  give 

1  From  this  point  the  Diary  contains  a  great  deal  relating  to  the  condi- 
tion of  the  Low  Countries,  the  movement  of  troops,  the  endless  negotia- 
tions and  intrigues  of  diplomatists,  princes,  €migr&,  in  which  Fersen,  after 
the  death  of  Gustavus  III.,  was  more  of  a  trusted  spectator  than  an  active 
agent.  In  this  volume  only  those  parts  of  the  Diary  and  letters  which  re- 
late more  particularly  to  the  fate  of  the  King  and  Queen  of  France  are 
wiven.  —  Tb. 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  261 

the  Powers,  who  have  so  little  willingness  to  act,  a  pretext  to 
negotiate. 

26th.  Four  hundred  federals  from  Marseille  passed  through 
Lyon ;  the  municipality  invited  them  to  the  theatre,  where 
they  sang  horrible  songs  against  the  queen ;  the  honourable 
citizens  silenced  them ;  the  next  day  those  citizens  were  ac- 
cused by  the  municipality. 

31st.  The  emperor  and  the  King  of  Prussia  have  a  great 
aversion  to  the  Smigres.  Mercy  has  no  influence.  Schulem- 
burg  says  the  troops,  ought  to  be  brought  into  action  at  once, 
for  both  officers  and  soldiers  are  beginning  to  grumble  at 
their  fatigues  and  their  expenses  for  the  affairs  of  France. 

August  3d.  A  violent  affray  has  taken  place  in  Paris 
with  the  National  Guard  on  the  arrival  of  the  Marseillais ; 
those  of  the  Guard  who  are  stationed  in  the  palace  were  re- 
turning from  dinner  in  the  Champs-Elyse'es  when  they  were 
insulted  by  the  populace  who  were  joined  by  the  Marseil- 
lais; the  National  Guard  drew  their  sabres  and  fought. 
Three  guards  were  killed,  several  wounded.  The  mayor 
arrived  and  quieted  the  people.  The  National  Guard  demand 
justice  and  will  take  it. 

7th.  Dined  with  Sullivan.  The  municipality  of  Paris 
demand  the  fall  of  the  king.  Very  anxious.  Mme.  Sullivan, 
who  is  deeply  distressed,  never  ceases  to  concern  herself 
with  the  fate  of  the  king  and  queen ;  she  is  even  ill  from 
anxiety,  and  urges  me  to  send  some  one  to  England  to  en- 
treat the  king  to  take  some  step  to  save  their  lives,  and  to 
make  him  declare  he  will  not  allow  those  lives  to  be  at- 
tacked, or  he  will  take  some  startling  vengeance.  He  could 
be  shown  that  this  would  not  affect  their  system  of  neutral- 
ity because  it  is  only  in  the  event  of  an  attack  upon  the  life 
of  the  king  and  queen  that  they  are  asked  to  do  anything ; 
and  besides,  it  binds  them  to  nothing ;  for  if  the  king  and 


262  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  ix. 

queen  were  massacred,  England  would  still  be  the  mistress  of 
doing  nothing.  I  thought  the  idea  good,  but  a  thousand 
obstacles  in  its  way,  —  Pitt's  embarrassment  lest  such  a  de- 
mand should  be  discussed  in  parliament,  and  the  question 
as  to  what  point  a  nation  has  the  right  to  dethrone 
and  condemn  its  king ;  also,  the  short  time  there  was,  and 
the  known  ill-will  of  the  English.  She  answered  that,  ad- 
mitting all  that,  we  might  at  least  try  it;  that  the  point 
was  to  save  their  lives,  and  we  must  not  regret  the  useless 
pains  we  take,  for  even  if  they  came  to  nothing  we  should  at 
least  have  the  satisfaction  of  having  tried  everything.  I  had 
nothing  to  reply  to  this,  and  I  decided  to  induce  M.  de 
Breteuil  to  undertake  it.  Mme.  Sullivan  talked  with  Simo- 
lin,  who  agreed  with  her  and  thought  the  thing  might  suc- 
ceed ;  she  begged  Crawford  to  be  the  one  to  go  to  England, 
and  he  consented. 

In  the  evening  I  spoke  to  the  Baron  de  Breteuil ;  he  was 
entirely  against  the  idea  for  the  same  reasons  as  mine  in  the 
morning ;  and  he  added  his  fear  of  ill-will  in  Pitt,  who  might 
betray  the  whole  thing  and  by  informing  the  factious  in 
Paris  expose  the  king.  That  was  exaggeration  and  I  proved 
it  to  him.  However,  he  persisted  in  his  refusal,  adding  that 
in  politics  a  useless  step  is  always  injurious.  I  gave  him 
the  arguments  that  Mme.  Sullivan  had  given  me  in  the  morn- 
ing, and  begged  him  to  reflect  over  them  that  night,  and  I 
would  see  him  in  the  morning  to  know  his  decision.  Mean- 
time I  have  agreed  with  Crawford  that  if  Breteuil  persists  in 
refusing,  we  wiU  send  a  man  with  letters  to  the  Duke  of 
Dorset  and  try  to  induce  him  to  get  this  action  taken. 

8th.  I  went  at  8  o'clock  to  Baron  de  Breteuil ;  he  had 
entirely  come  round  to  my  idea,  and  his  letter  to  Pitt  was 
already  written;  he  wished  to  send  it  by  courier;  but  I 
represented  to  him  that  it  was  better  to  send  some  one  who 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  263 

could  speak  and  show  the  interest  that  was  felt  in  it;  he 
wished  Crawford  to  go.  I  went  to  see  Crawford,  and  he  con- 
sented; but  said  a  Frenchman,  such  as  the  Bishop  of 
Pamiers,  the  baron's  confidential  agent,  would  have  more 
effect,  for  they  could  tell  him,  Crawford,  that  this  was  only 
an  idea  of  his ;  and  that  as  an  Englishman  he  ought  to  have 
dismissed  it.  I  represented  this  to  the  baron,  and  the 
bishop  was  decided  on.  At  two  o'clock  Crawford  and  I 
were  at  the  baron's.  I  begged  him  to  write  also  to  Lord 
Granville,  minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  and  to  Lord  Camelford 
to  get  him  to  introduce  the  bishop.  It  was  agreed  to  avoid 
speaking  on  a  single  thing  but  this  one  object,  namely,  to 
secure  the  safety  of  the  king  and  queen,  and  to  prove  that 
that  object  could  not  in  any  way  injure  the  neutrality. 
Crawford  and  I  wrote  letters  to  the  Duke  of  Dorset,  and 
before  night  all  was  ready. 

10th.  News  from  Paris  is  reassuring;  but  how  can  we 
count  on  anything  with  those  scoundrels  and  cowards  ?  The 
palace  is  still  threatened,  and  the  king  and  queen  sleep  only 
alternately ;  one  or  the  other  is  always  up. 

13th.  Terrible  news  from  Paris.  Thursday  morning  the 
palace  [of  the  Tuileries]  was  attacked ;  the  king  and  queen 
escaped  to  the  Assembly.  At  one  o'clock  the  populace  were 
fighting  in  the  courtyards  and  the  Carrousel.  Blood  flowed 
in  streams ;  many  killed  and  hanged ;  the  palace  forced  on 
all  sides ;  eight  pieces  of  cannon  levelled  and  firing  upon  it. 
Eomainvilliers  killed;  Daffy  also;  a  thick  smoke  makes 
people  believe  they  have  fired  the  palace.  My  God,  what 
horrors !  —  Mercy  came  to  Breteuil ;  suggests  sending  a  man 
to  Lafayette  to  propose  to  join  his  army  with  that  of  the 
Austrians :  folly ;  for  if  the  object  is  to  succour  them,  it  is 
too  late ;  if  to  negotiate  with  the  constitutionals,  it  is  worth 
nothing  and  cannot  save  them  in  the  end.     Mercy  said  in 


264  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  ix. 

the  evening  that  the  Assembly  had  surrounded  itself  with 
cannon,  and  that  step  awed  the  factious.  The  king  had 
either  been  deposed,  or  had  abdicated  of  his  own  accord. 

15th.  News  from  Paris.  The  Royal  family  in  the  Hotel 
de  Noailles,  watched  day  and  night,  not  allowed  to  see  any 
one.  Talked  to  Breteuil  about  inducing  the  King  of  Prussia 
to  persuade  Lafayette  and  the  generals  to  come  over  with 
their  armies  and  dissolve  them,  etc.,  etc.  .  .  . 

17th.  News  from  Paris.  The  king  and  his  family  im- 
prisoned in  the  Tower  of  the  Temple.  Mmes.  de  Lamballe 
and  Tourzel  imprisoned  with  them.  Lameth  arrested  at 
Rouen  on  his  way  to  Havre  to  escape  to  England  with  his 
wife.  He  begged  for  all  favour  not  to  be  taken  back  to 
Paris,  where  he  would  be  massacred. 

19th.  The  King  of  Prussia  has  written  to  Vienna  to 
propose  the  regency  of  Monsieur,  on  condition  that  Calonne 
be  dismissed,  and  Baron  de  Breteuil  be  put  at  the  head  of 
affairs.  Vicomte  de  Caraman  [Louis  XYI.'s  envoy  to  Court 
of  Berlin]  writes  that  the  king  desires  much  that  M.  de 
Breteuil  should  go  to  see  him.  The  baron  does  not  wish  to 
go ;  but  as  the  King  of  Prussia  is  a  yielding  man  and  lets 
himself  rely  on  the  last  who  speaks  to  him,  they  might  give 
him  prejudices  against  the  baron  and  his  "intractability;" 
so  it  may  be  better  that  he  should  go  for  a  moment  and 
return  here  at  once.  All  this  is  an  intrigue  of  the  deviL 
The  baron  got  M.  de  Metternich  to  write  to  Vienna  and  dis- 
courage this  idea  of  a  regency. 

21st.  The  Bishop  of  Pamiers  has  returned ;  satisfied  with 
the  Duke  of  Dorset.  Pitt  spoke  well;  more  interested  in 
the  affairs  of  France  than  he  wishes  to  show.  The  bishop 
took  upon  himself  to  say  that  it  was  by  order  of  the  king 
that  the  baron  took  this  step.  He  insisted  on  a  more  decided 
expression  at  the  close  of  the  despatch  to  Lord  Gower,  but 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  265 

could  not  obtain  it.  He  thinks  they  all  desired  to  be  more 
decided,  but  dared  not,  on  account  of  the  nation,  which  is 
strongly  worked  upon  by  propagandists  of  all  nations,  with 
whom  London  abounds.  Pitt  assured  him  that  factious 
persons  should  never  be  received  in  England ;  he  said  they 
had  a  great  deal  of  money  there. — Letter  from  Dorset  to 
me ;  very  good.  Lafayette,  Alex.  Lameth,  Latour-Maubourg, 
Baron  de  Perzy,  with  thirteen  others,  their  servants,  forty 
horses,  and  a  great  deal  of  gold,  arrested  at  Eochefort. 

27th.  Duke  Albert  [husband  of  the  archduchess,  regent  of 
the  Low  Countries]  wanted  to  keep  Lafayette  but  let  the 
others  go ;  opposed  in  this.  Baron  de  Breteuil  has  talked  to 
the  archduchess  about  the  duke's  inaction ;  he  said  it  shamed 
him ;  that  he  might  have  acquired  glory  by  attempting  to 
take  the  places  that  confronted  him,  for  which  there  was 
great  probability  of  success.  She  had  the  air  of  feeling  this, 
but,  nevertheless,  put  forward  fears  on  the  internal  tran- 
quillity of  the  Low  Countries;  she  took  note  of  what  he 
said,  however. 

30th.  News  from  Paris.  The  project  of  the  Jacobins  is 
the  agrarian  law,  and  the  National  Convention  will  take  it 
up.  The  Princesse  de  Tarente,  who  was  at  the  Abbaye 
with  two  guards  over  her,  is  taken  to  the  prison  of  La  Force. 
Marechal  de  Mouchy  is  to  be  arrested.  M.  de  Nicolai 
writes  me  that  the  queen  is  not  well  M.  d'Affry  [comman- 
der of  the  Swiss  guards]  is  absolved ;  he  said  he  did  not  give 
the  Swiss  an  order  to  fire  on  the  people,  though  the  queen 
had  repeatedly  requested  it;  and  the  proof  was  the  few 
cartridges  he  had  issued,  for  they  had  but  six :  what  infamy 
for  him ! —  Lafayette  and  company  have  left  Luxembourg  on 
demand  of  the  King  of  Prussia.  Lafayette  asked  the  arch- 
duchess to  see  him,  he  having  things  of  the  utmost  impor- 
tance to  communicate  to  her;  she  refused,  and  sent  him  a 


266  DIARY  AND   CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  ix. 

man  to  know  what  he  had  to  say,  telling  him  he  could  put 
entire  confidence  in  him ;  the  man  has  returned,  nothing  has 
transpired. 

September  2d.  M.  de  Eivarol  came  to  see  me  in  the 
evening.  He  talked  much  and  very  well,  but  said  little. 
He  told  me  that  his  brother,  who  was  at  the  Tuileries  on  the 
10th  of  August,  wrote  him  that  the  king  himself  placed  all 
the  posts :  the  Swiss  Guard  were  on  the  Theatre  side,  four 
thousand  of  the  National  Guard  at  the  other  end  of  the  palace ; 
the  queen  accompanied  him,  encouraged  every  one,  took  a 
pistol  from  the  Due  de  Choiseul  and  gave  it  to  the  king. 
They  returned  to  the  palace.  The  brigands,  who  were  ar- 
riving, fired  six  shots  and  cried  out  that  they  were  surrender- 
ing. Five  of  the  artillery  went  over  to  the  side  of  the  crowd 
and  turned  their  cannon  on  the  palace ;  the  rest  were  faith- 
ful. It  was  then  that  they  induced  the  king  to  take  refuge 
in  the  Assembly.  The  Swiss  and  the  National  Guard  fired, 
and  every  one  fled.  Then  they  came  and  told  the  Swiss 
they  were  wrong  to  defend  the  palace,  for  "the  bird  was 
flown,"  —  the  king  was  not  there.  The  Swiss  replied  it  was 
a  trap  set  for  them ;  they  knew  very  well  he  was  there.  They 
told  the  same  thing  to  the  National  Guard,  who  abandoned 
the  Swiss  and  surrounded  the  Assembly.  M.  de  Eivarol  here 
said  that  the  king  did  wrong  to  abandon  the  palace  and  put 
himself  under  the  blade  of  the  Jacobins  of  the  Assembly ; 
had  he  stayed  where  he  was,  the  canaille  would  have  been 
repulsed  and  the  constitutionals  would  have  had  the  upper 
hand ;  which  would  have  been  well,  —  for  at  least,  the  king's 
life  was  safe.  Eivarol  was  right;  but  to  judge,  one  must 
know  all  the  circumstances. 

5th.  News  from  Paris  awful.  They  say  the  Princesse  de 
Tarente  has  escaped.  They  say  the  people  condemn  and 
execute  at  once.  —  Verdun  was  taken  on  the  1st  at  seven  in 


^m         f  i' w      0iil 

W  1      kfe 

j^Kmjr/ 

^^r    '' 

/■' 

V                1 

^y^^s    <^/>?*c<?t^e^<l*^  ^£     T^T&mwc&££es 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  267 

the  evening,  after  a  bombardment  of  four  hours.  The  com- 
mandant blew  out  his  brains.  The  garrison  sent  back  to 
France  disarmed. 

6th.  Dreadful  details  from  Paris.  Manuel  said  to  the 
king,  when  they  forced  him  to  see  the  dead  body  of  Mme. 
de  Lamballe :  "  Look  at  it !  there  may  be  a  counter-revolu- 
tion, but  you  shall  not  profit  by  it ;  there 's  the  fate  that 
awaits  you."  —  All  these  details  make  me  fear  for  the  king 
and  queen ;  I  decide  to  send  a  courier  to  M.  de  Breteuil  and 
write  to  him.  I  believe  it  is  necessary  to  adopt  another 
course ;  I  have  never  feared  so  much. 

7th.  Saw  the  Prussian  minister,  Baron  Beck;  he  talked 
well  on  French  affairs.  He  thinks  the  king  lost.  He  urges 
Duke  Albert  to  act,  but  finds  little  good-will  and  much  slow- 
ness and  indecision.  He  seems  to  say  pretty  freely  what  he 
thinks,  and  disapproved  loudly  of  delaying  at  Thionville  and 
not  exterminating  the  Jacobins  in  every  town  they  passed 
through;  too  much  mercy  was  shown.  He  added  that  too 
many  persons  meddled  with  advice.  —  News  from  Paris ;  all 
is  calm  at  present ;  I  am  not.  I  wrote  also  to  the  Duke  of 
Dorset. 

10th.  Letter  from  Baron  de  Breteuil  at  Verdun,  8th.  Ar- 
rived the  6th,  in  the  evening.  Had  seen  the  King  of  Prussia ; 
much  satisfied  with  him  and  with  the  Duke  of  Bruns- 
wick ;  both  very  right  for  the  king  [of  France]  ;  great  desire 
to  reach  Paris.  Will  propose  to  Monsieur  to  keep  his  title 
and  put  himself  at  the  head  of  affairs  with  M.  de  Breteuil 
only.  The  latter  will  act  as  a  machine ;  for  that  he  will  call 
upon  several  persons  ;  it  is  not  yet  known  if  Monsieur  will 
consent.  Calonne  goes  to  Naples ;  he  has  dilapidated  their 
finances  ;  has  repaid  himself  all  his  advances,  and  two  days 
ago  he  presented  a  note  to  the  princes  informing  them  he 

had  no  money,  not  enough  even  to  pay  the  troops.     Twenty 
Ver.  8  18  Mem. 


268  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OP  [chap.  ix. 

thousand  francs  had  to  be  sent  to  them.  Monsieur  openly 
expresses  displeasure  with  him.  The  Comte  d'Artois  is 
forced  to  admit  he  has  been  the  dupe  of  his  own  good  heart. 
The  Duke  of  Brunswick  hopes  Duke  Albert  will  act  at 
last.  —  Nothing  new  in  Paris ;  all  is  quiet.  The  Due  de  la 
Eochefoucauld  massacred  near  Koche-Guyon. 

15th.  M.  de  Mercy  came  to  see  me.  Tried  to  get  him  to 
speak  to  Lord  Elgin  [British  minister  in  Brussels],  with 
whom  I  had  already  arranged  it,  and  ask  him  to  represent  to 
Mr.  Pitt  how  shameful  it  would  be  for  England  if,  being  able 
to  save  the  royal  family  of  France  without  arming  a  single 
vessel,  and  able  to  do  more  with  a  single  word  than  all  the 
combined  armies,  she  would  not  say  it ;  also  to  ask  him  to 
promise  them  safety,  asylum,  protection ;  and  even  rewards 
to  those  who  contributed  to  save  their  lives.  M.  de  Mercy 
would  not  advance  so  far,  nor  would  he  let  the  archduchess 
do  so,  —  1st,  because  he  had  no  orders  ;  2d,  because  he  feared 
that  England  might  use  the  request  as  a  means  to  meddle  in 
the  affair  and  try  to  play  a  leading  role;  3d,  because  the 
ministers  of  Vienna  and  Naples  had  taken  upon  themselves 
to  make  a  similar  demand,  to  which  Mr.  Pitt  had  replied  very 
coldly.  He  said  he  would  speak  to  Lord  Elgin  that  evening 
at  Crawford's,  but  only  historically,  and  represent  to  him 
how  much  the  honour  of  England  and  her  advantage  urged 
her  to  that  course ;  also  that  he  would  write  a  very  strong 
letter  on  the  subject  to  M.  de  .  .  .  ,  the  emperor's  ambassador 
in  London,  and  would  arrange  to  have  it  read  there,  which 
would  have  more  effect  than  what  he  might  say  to  Lord 
Elgin.  —  The  bishop  came  to  read  me  his  plan ;  which  seems 
to  me  good. 

17th.  M.  Dumouriez,  knowing  that  General  Clerfayt  was 
at  Grandpre",  started  with  six  thousand  men  and  turned  the 
Croix  du  Bois  to  attack  him.     Clerfayt  detached  four  battal- 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  269 

ions  to  attack  the  French  at  Bouc-aux-Bois,  defeated  them, 
took  their  cannon,  and  drove  them  back.  Prince  Charles  de 
Ligne  was  killed.  They  lost  five  killed,  eleven  wounded, 
among  them  four  officers.  —  Lord  Elgin  sent  off  a  courier  to 
London  and  reported  in  a  very  strong  manner  his  conversa- 
tion with  M.  de  Mercy;  he  offered  to  go  to  Paris  if  the 
ministry  desired  it.  He  had  received  a  private  letter  from 
Lord  Granville  in  which  the  latter  expressed  the  anxiety  of 
the  British  ministry  about  the  royal  family  of  France,  and 
their  desire  to  contribute  by  all  and  every  means  to  their 
safety. 

18th.  News  from  Paris.  The  Due  d'Orle'ans  has  changed 
his  name  and  taken  that  of  Elgalit^ ;  and  he  calls  the  Palais- 
Eoyal  [his  residence]  the  Palais  de  la  Revolution.  Great 
massacre  at  Lyon  and  at  Besancon.  They  have  arrested  all 
the  relatives  of  emigre's. 

20th.  Much  is  said  of  the  frugal  life  of  the  King  of 
Prussia :  five  solid  dishes,  no  dessert,  no  coffee ;  that  is  his 
dinner.  He  usually  has  thirty  at  table.  He  is  always  on 
horseback;  he  said  to  M.  de  Breteuil,  who  praised  this 
frugality,  "  It  is  by  such  economy  that  I  feed  my  army." 

24th.  News  from  Paris  on  21st :  "  Paris  very  tranquil 
yesterday,  seems  to  be  so  to-day.  National  Convention,  to 
the  number  of  217,  assembled  in  the  Tuileries.  News  of 
the  day  makes  little  sensation,  but  that  from  England  much ; 
it  will  probably  secure  the  lives  of  the  royal  family;  the 
desire  of  the  sections  for  that  object  is  more  and  more 
marked ;   meanwhile  each  is  fairly  well." 

On  a  request  from  Count  Stadion,  the  emperor's  minister, 
and  M.  Castelcicala,  the  Neapolitan  minister  to  Mr.  Pitt,  that 
steps  be  taken  by  England  to  secure  the  life  of  the  king  by 
declaring  that  those  who  should  commit  the  crime  of  killing 
him  would  find  no  asylum  in  England,  Mr.  Pitt  replied  that 


270  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  ix. 

the  King  of  England  had  decided  to  take  that  step ;  but  as  he 
had  no  means  of  sending  the  notice  authentically  to  Paris,  he 
took  the  course  of  sending  it  to  all  the  foreign  ministers,  re- 
questing them  to  forward  it,  if  they  had  means  of  doing  so. 
He  gave  assurances  of  the  desire  of  the  king  to  contribute  in 
all  ways  to  the  preservation  of  the  French  royal  family.  This 
declaration  is  not  sufficient;  he  ought  to  have  added  some 
active  measure. 

25th.  Dined  with  M.  de  Mercy.  He  told  me  that  much 
severity  was  needed ;  it  was  the  only  means ;  all  four  corners 
of  Paris  should  be  set  on  fire.  —  Duke  Albert  has  marched 
with  his  army;  he  made  a  proclamation.  M.  d'Orsay  has 
circulated  a  paper  in  which  he  says  that  the  King  of  France 
ought  to  be  sent  out  of  the  country,  and  allowed  to  go ;  that 
a  king  driven  away  is  an  object  of  contempt,  and  can  never 
recover  his  rights ;  but  if  he  is  assassinated  he  inspires  both 
pity  and  interest.  That  would  be  very  well  if  we  could 
know  by  which  way  they  would  send  him  out,  so  that  we 
could  take  him,  and  if  they  did  not  murder  him  at  the 
frontier.  —  I  expected  to  go  to  the  army  to  join  M.  de  Bre- 
teuiL  I  should  have  been  glad  to  be  a  witness  of  the  opera- 
tions, and  more  at  hand  to  give  advice  and  urge  to  what 
ought  to  be  done. 

October  1st.  Letters  from  Paris  to  the  27th;  the  com- 
mandant at  Valenciennes  held  them  back.  They  say  nothing 
of  Dumouriez's  position ;  but  the  evening  "  Journal "  says  that 
the  Due  d'Orl^ans  presented  a  letter  to  the  Convention  which 
proposes  an  agreement  on  the  part  of  the  King  of  Prussia ; 
the  Convention  decided  not  to  receive  it  until  the  armies 
should  have  evacuated  French  territory.  If  this  is  true  a 
clumsy  blunder  has  been  made;  it  is  not  in  this  way,  nor 
through  the  Due  d'Orle'ans,  that  they  ought  to  negotiate. 

4th.    At  midnight  Lord  Elgin's  courier  brought  news  that 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  271 

the  Prussian  and  Austrian  army  retreated  October  1st  to 
Grandpre\  and  thence  to  Verdun.  The  courier  was  an  officer : 
he  says  the  combined  army  is  worn-out  with  fatigue,  want  of 
everything,  and  disease;  seeing  no  arrival  of  their  supply 
trains,  the  fear  of  being  surrounded  began  to  spread  among 
them;  the  French  made  a  bold  front;  they  never  ceased 
throwing  up  breast-works ;  they  were  much  fired  upon  with- 
out answering  or  ceasing  to  work ;  their  sentinels  scoffed  at 
the  Prussians  when  they  departed.  He  says  the  inhabitants 
of  the  country  were  detestable ;  they  brought  nothing  to  the 
camp ;  they  fired  upon  every  one  and  gave  nothing  to  travel- 
lers even  if  paid  for.  He  was  forced  to  follow  the  army  to 
Grandpre*  for  fear  of  being  captured.  He  accuses  the  Duke 
of  Brunswick  of  timidity,  and  says  he  could,  on  the  25th, 
have  attacked  Dumouriez  and  defeated  him.  In  England 
they  have  the  same  opinion  of  the  Duke  of  Brunswick's 
character ;  they  say  he  prefers  to  negotiate. 

5th.  Received  a  letter  from  Baron  de  BreteuiL  This 
retreat  is  horrible  in  its  consequences.  All  is  ended,  it 
seems  to  me,  for  this  year,  —  unless  the  army  can  be  put  in  a 
state  to  act  and  a  new  plan  be  formed,  which  I  doubt.  I 
must  see  the  Due  de  Choiseul,  who  has  just  arrived.  He  is 
perfect  for  the  king  and  queen. 

6th.  Lord  Elgin  thinks  it  certain  that  it  was  the  cabinet 
of  Vienna  which  induced  the  retreat  of  the  Duke  of  Bruns- 
wick and  the  project  of  going  into  winter  quarters.  That 
cabinet  desires  to  disgust  the  King  of  Prussia  with  the  en- 
terprise, so  as  to  leave  the  emperor  sole  master.  This  is  not 
the  personal  disposition  of  the  emperor,  but  that  of  his 
cabinet. 

11th.  The  Due  de  Choiseul  departed.  He  gave  me  de- 
tails as  to  all  that  has  happened  in  Paris,  also  about  the 
affair  at  Varennes.    By  what  he  told  me  of  Paris,  it  seems 


272  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  ix. 

that  after  June  20th  [return  from  Varennes]  the  constitu- 
tionals, foreseeing  their  fall  and  the  impossibility  of  strug- 
gling against  the  Jacobins,  resolved  to  get  the  king  out  of 
Paris,  willingly  or  by  force,  assembling  and  patrolling  troops 
along  the  road,  and  thus  take  him  to  Compiegne.  Lafayette 
and  Luckner  prepared  the  spirit  of  their  armies  towards  this, 
and  had  their  addresses  ready.  At  one  time  Lafayette  came 
to  Paris  to  try  his  influence,  but  though  the  National  Guard 
received  him  well  he  could  never  get  four  hundred  of  them 
to  agree  to  fire  on  the  Jacobins.  The  king  revolted  at  the 
idea  of  departure ;  the  queen  even  more,  though  she  told  the 
Due  de  Choiseul  and  others  that  she  had  no  opinion  and  it 
was  for  the  king  to  decide.  Lafayette  went  away  to  main- 
tain his  army  in  the  same  disposition,  and  always  with  the 
hope  of  getting  the  king  to  go  to  Compiegne.  Then  came 
the  federation ;  there  was  one  party  for  Potion,  and  another 
for  Lafayette.  The  ministry  was  good.  The  minister  of 
war  would  not  send  away  the  Swiss  Guard.  They  all  in- 
trigued, and  the  Jacobins  foiled  their  intrigues  repeatedly. 
The  individuals  who  were  to  have  formed  the  army  in  Paris 
arrived,  but  without  any  order  or  any  discipline.  Lafayette 
had  a  scheme  to  hold  a  review,  and  to  profit  by  that  assem- 
bling of  troops  to  fall  upon  the  Jacobins.  The  affair  was  all 
arranged.  Pdtion  [mayor  of  Paris]  suspected  it  and  for- 
bade the  review.  Luckner  went  before  the  military  com- 
mittees and  said  and  did  a  hundred  follies,  compromised 
Lafayette,  etc.,  etc.  —  At  last  the  Jacobins  made  the  scene 
of  August  10th  and  all  was  lost.  That  event  had  been  pre- 
dicted. Everybody  had  urged  the  king  to  go  away,  but  he 
would  not.  M.  de  Sainte-Croix  [one  of  the  ministry]  be- 
haved very  well ;  he  predicted  to  the  king  and  queen  all  that 
happened.  He  read  to  them  a  paper  in  which  all  the  details 
were  given,  and  clear  information  as  to  the  project;  one 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  273 

thing  he  did  not  read,  namely ;  that  the  queen  was  to  be  put 
in  an  iron  cage  and  exposed  to  the  sight  of  the  people.  The 
cage  was  made.  Two  days  earlier  the  ministers  had  urged 
the  king  to  start  with  relays  for  Compiegne.  He  could  have 
got  into  a  carriage  in  the  morning  while  taking  his  walk  by 
the  Pont  Tournant,  crossed  the  bridge  at  Poissy,  which  they 
would  have  destroyed  behind  him ;  the  Swiss  and  600  or  700 
gentlemen  on  foot  and  on  horseback  would  have  covered  the 
march,  and  (to  take  from  this  departure  the  look  of  a  flight) 
he  was  to  send  a  note,  when  he  got  into  the  carriage  at  eight 
in  the  morning,  to  inform  the  ministry  that  in  virtue  of  the 
Constitution  he  had  gone  to  Compiegne.  But  the  king 
refused  everything.  During  the  day  of  August  9th  they 
were  informed  of  the  rising  among  the  people;  the  guard 
was  doubled ;  it  was  faithful ;  all  the  Swiss,  to  the  number 
of  a  thousand,  were  there.  M.  Mandat,  commanding-general 
of  the  National  Guard  was  there ;  M.  Kcederer  came ;  three 
hundred  private  gentlemen  were  in  the  palace  ;  no  one  went 
to  bed.  Eeports  came  in  constantly.  M.  Mandat  obtained 
from  the  municipality  an  order  to  repulse  force  by  force. 
At  midnight  M.  Potion  arrived ;  he  was  very  ill-received  by 
the  National  Guard ;  they  put  his  carriage  in  a  corner  of  the 
courtyard  and  resolved  to  keep  him  and  make  him  give 
orders  for  the  defence.  He  assured  the  king  that  all  would 
calm  down.  On  going  downstairs  he  observed  the  arrange- 
ments of  the  guard  and  made  no  attempt  to  go  away;  he 
walked  about  the  courtyards  and  garden  talking  with 
Roederer,  who,  under  an  appearance  of  devotion,  betrayed  the 
king.  The  muncipality,  uneasy  at  the  non-return  of  Potion, 
notified  the  Assembly  of  its  fears  that  he  was  arrested  in  the 
palace.  He  was  summoned  to  the  bar  to  give  account  of  the 
facts,  and  denied  that  he  had  been  prevented  from  leaving. 
As  soon  as  he  was  out  he  sent  reinforcements  to  the  palace 


274  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  ix. 

of  the  very  worst  kind,  National  guards  and  men  with  pikes. 
They  mingled  with  those  in  the  courtyards,  but  posted  them- 
selves chiefly  in  the  garden  along  the  terraces.  The  Swiss 
lined  the  staircases;  they  were  also  in  the  courtyard  with 
the  National  guards. 

At  three  in  the  morning  shots  were  fired  from  time  to 
time ;  an  artilleryman  fired  a  cannon  in  the  courtyard  under 
pretence  of  awkwardness;  but  there  is  reason  to  think  the 
shots  were  signals.  At  six  o'clock  the  king  went  to  visit  all 
the  posts  of  the  gardens  and  courtyards.  He  was  insulted 
in  the  gardens  and  ran  some  risk ;  muskets  were  aimed  at 
him,  he  was  threatened  with  pikes,  and  closely  pressed  by 
two  men  with  pistols.  A  National  guard  who  accompanied 
the  king  returned  all  pale  and  trembling.  At  seven  o'clock 
M.  Mandat  received  an  order  to  go  to  the  municipality, 
under  pretext  of  concerting  plans  of  defence,  but  in  reality 
to  evade  the  order  for  repulsing  force  by  force  and  to  dis- 
organize the  National  Guard  by  removing  its  commander. 
Mandat  did  not  go,  and  a  second  order  came.  Koederer  ad- 
vised him  to  obey.  He  went  and  was  massacred  on  arriving. 
From  that  moment  no  one  commanded.  They  organized  the 
gentlemen;  M.  de  Viomesnil,  Marechal  de  Mailly,  Pont 
Labbe\  and  d'Eveilly  were  put  in  command.  The  National 
Guard  took  umbrage.  The  king  and  queen  talked  to  them 
kindly  and  forcibly ;  they  were  convinced,  mingled  with  the 
gentlemen,  and  were  posted  with  them  in  the  apartments. 
The  king  had  already  been  talked  to  about  going  for  safety 
to  the  Assembly.  The  ministers  had  warned  him  that  this 
was  in  the  plan.  Everybody,  especially  M.  de  Sainte-Croix, 
dissuaded  him;  he  was  induced  to  remain,  and  the  cjueen 
said  to  the  Baron  de  Viomesnil  and  M.  de  Clermont-Galle- 
rand:  "If  you  see  me  going  to  the  Assembly  I  give  you 
leave  to  nail  me  to  this  wall." 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  275 

At  eight  o'clock  M.  Roederer  returned  at  the  head  of  his 
bureau.  He  asked  to  speak  with  the  king  in  private ;  and 
passed  with  him,  the  queen,  and  the  ministers  into  the  king's 
cabinet.  M.  Roederer  requested  him  to  go  to  the  Assembly  as 
the  only  course  to  take.  The  queen  opposed  it  strongly.  M. 
Roederer  asked  her  if  she  would  take  upon  herself  the  respon- 
sibility for  events,  for  the  massacres  that  might  take  place,  — 
that  of  the  king,  that  of  her  children,  and  of  all  the  gentle- 
men in  the  palace ;  he  told  her  that  more  than  twenty  thou- 
sand men  were  marching  against  the  palace,  etc.  The  queen 
said  nothing,  and  the  king  decided  to  go.  M.  Roederer  re- 
quested him  to  go  alone  with  his  family,  for  fear  of  danger 
to  him  if  he  were  seen  with  many  persons  about  him.  The 
king  then  ordered  every  one  to  remain,  and  went  out  through 
the  apartments,  the  grand  staircase,  the  middle  iron  gate, 
and  the  garden,  and  mounted  the  steps  of  the  terrace  opposite 
to  the  Assembly.  There  was  no  one  with  the  king  but  the 
queen,  the  children,  Madame  Elisabeth,  the  Princesse  de 
Lamballe,  Mme.  de  Tourzel,  and  M.  de  Brige\  As  they 
passed  through  the  apartments  the  National  guards  and  the 
gentlemen  wept  and  tried  to  stop  them  ;  the  king  consoled 
them,  saying  he  should  soon  return.  As  soon  as  he  was 
gone  discouragement  fell  on  every  one.  Half  an  hour  later 
the  palace  was  attacked ;  the  artillerymen  opened  the 
great  gates;  the  canaille  rushed  in,  but  a  volley  from  the 
Swiss  Guard  and  the  National  Guard  swept  them  back; 
they  seized  two  cannon.  Meantime  all  who  were  in  the 
palace,  National  guards  and  gentlemen,  escaped  as  best  they 
could,  but  the  Swiss,  surrounded  on  every  side  were  all 
taken  and  massacred.1 

1  The  well-known  lion  cut  into  the  rock  at  Lucerne,  from  a  design  hy 
Thorwaldsen,  is  Switzerland's  memorial  to  the  twenty  officers  and  seven 
hundred  and  sixty  men  of  her  soil  who  died  faithful  to  their  duty  on  thia 
occasion.  —  Tr. 


276  DIARY  AND   CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap,  ix 

By  the  details  which  the  Due  de  Choiseul  gave  me  ] 
see  clearly  that  he  had  reason  to  quit  his  post  at  the  bridge 
of  Sommevesle  with  his  detachment  [this  refers  to  the 
flight  to  Varennes],  for  the  country  was  rising  on  account  of 
certain  villages  belonging  to  M.  d'Elboeuf,  which  had  refused 
to  pay  taxes.  The  peasants  were  to  be  compelled  to  do  so  by 
force,  and  they  believed  that  the  hussars  (under  young 
Bouill£)  had  come  for  that  purpose.  The  tocsin  was  sounded 
and  the  peasants  were  gathering  on  all  sides.  Many  came  to 
see  the  hussars;  uneasiness  was  spreading  as  far  even  as 
Chalons.  The  detachment  had  good  reason  not  to  repass 
Sainte-Menehould,  where  it  had  been  very  ill-received  on  its 
way.  Still,  in  spite  of  all  that,  and  the  delay  of  five  hours 
between  Paris  and  Chalons,  and  the  king's  thoughtlessness 
in  talking  and  letting  himself  be  seen  at  Sainte-Menehould, 
where  the  post-master  recognized  him,  he  could  have  got 
safely  through  Varennes  if  the  hussars  had  been  mounted 
outside  of  the  town,  and  if  there  had  been  some  one  there  to 
tell  him  where  the  relay  was,  for  the  town  was  quiet.  The 
post-master  entered  the  town  as  the  king  was  stopping  to 
ask  where  the  relay  was ;  but  the  hussars  were  in  the  stables, 
or  drinking  in  the  town,  the  horses  were  not  saddled,  and 
young  Bouille"  was  in  bed.  He  was  awakened  by  the  Due 
de  Choiseul's  groom,  who  told  him  there  was  trouble  and  a 
carriage  had  been  stopped  which  was  said  to  be  the  king's. 
He  ran  to  saddle  his  horse,  and  when  the  Due  de  Choiseul 
arrived,  half  an  hour  after  the  king  was  arrested,  he  found  no 
one  in  the  barracks  but  the  horses,  not  saddled,  and  the 
stablemen ;  not  an  officer  and  not  an  hussar.  He  assembled 
as  many  as  he  could.  The  municipal  officers  came  and 
ordered  him  to  surrender  to  the  municipality.  For  all  an- 
swer he  marched  his  detachment  to  the  house  where  the 
king  was.     There  was  then  a  crowd  of  about  three  to  four 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FEBSEN.  277 

hundred  persons  ill-armed.  He  went  up  and  found  the 
family  all  in  one  room.  ...  It  was  proved  to  the  king  that 
with  the  hussars  he  could  go  on,  that  M.  Bouille*  was  cer- 
tainly on  the  march  and  they  would  meet  him ;  the  advice 
was  difficult  to  follow,  for  all  had  to  go  on  horseback  and 
there  was  no  answering  for  musket-shots.  The  king  pre- 
ferred to  remain  and  await  M.  de  Bouille* ;  for  up  to  this  time 
there  was  no  talk  of  making  him  return  to  Paris.  Some  people 
in  Verdun  wanted  him  to  go  there,  saying  he  would  be  safe  ; 
they  spoke  to  Sauce,  the  mayor,  and  showed  him  the  credit  he 
would  have  if  he  saved  the  king,  and  on  the  other  hand,  the 
certainty  of  vengeance  when  M.  de  Bouill^  arrived.  Sauce 
seemed  shaken,  the  municipality  also.  Matters  were  thus 
when  Lafayette's  two  aides-de-camp  arrived,  with  a  decree 
from  the  Assembly.  Then  everything  changed  aspect;  it 
was  resolved  to  take  the  king  back  to  Paris.  The  king, 
under  various  pretexts  of  illness  and  fatigue  tried  to  delay ; 
but  the  people  cried  out  that  he  must  go ;  they  must  put 
him  into  the  carriage  by  force,  etc.,  etc. ;  and  at  eight  o'clock 
in  the  morning  he  was  taken  away  without  hearing  anything 
of  Bouille\  Thus  it  appears  that  the  fault  was,  1st,  the  care- 
lessness or  ignorance  of  young  BoiiiHe*  at  Varennes ;  2d, 
the  fact  that  his  father,  instead  of  being  at  the  ceDtre  of  the 
expedition,  was  at  one  end  of  it ;  3d,  the  delay  of  five  hours  on 
the  road  to  Chalons ;  4th,  the  king's  imprudence  in  showing 
himself  at  Sainte-Menehould. 


278  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  x. 


CHAPTEK  X. 

1792-1793.  Diary  continued. — Battle  of  Jemmapes.  —  Evacuation  of  Brus- 
sels and  Flight  of  the  Austrians  and  Emigres.  — Trial  and  Execution  of 
Louis  XVI.  —  Dumouriez  proposes  to  the  Prince  de  Coburg  to  dash 
on  Paris  with  50,000  Men  and  rescue  the  Queen.  Scheme  defeated 
by  Dumouriez'8  Army  revolting  against  him.  —  The  Queen  removed  to 
the  Conciergerie.  —  Last  fruitless  Efforts  of  her  few  faithful  Friends.  — 
Her  Death. 

Brussels,  October  22d,  1792.  Letters  from  France,  delayed 
since  the  2d,  have  arrived.  The  last  gazettes  are  to  the 
18th.  The  royal  family  are  reunited;  the  king's  trial  is 
put  off  for  four  months.  At  the  time  of  the  separation  the 
king  was  put  in  the  big  tower  in  the  middle  of  the  Temple ; 
the  room  had  iron  gratings  and  was  lighted  from  above. 
The  farrier  of  M.  de  Nicolal,  a  National  guard,  was  witness 
of  the  parting  of  the  king  from  his  family,  which,  he  said 
was  dreadful.  The  queen  and  the  others  were  also  separated 
for  some  days. 

25th.  News  of  the  taking  of  Mayence  by  Custine  with 
thirty  thousand  rebels ;  after  thirty  hours'  bombardment  the 
town  capitulated ;  the  troops  came  out  with  arms  and  bag- 
gage. They  say  the  French  are  marching  on  Frankfort. 
Longwy  surrendered  by  capitulation ;  they  re-established  the 
magazines  and  captured  artillery.  The  baron  [de  Breteuil] 
adds :  "  This  amazing  conduct  casts  great  blame  on  the 
Duke  of  Brunswick ;  he  is  a  man  in  the  mud."  The  letter 
is  dated  2 1st. 

November  1st,  1792.  It  seems  that  the  Duke  of  Bruns- 
wick is  a  man  beneath  his  opportunity,  who  is  afraid  of  a 
little  resistance  where  he  expected  none;  who  wished  to 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  279 

negotiate,  and  was  fooled  by  Dumouriez,  who  wanted  to  gain 
time  to  intrench.  The  Prince  of  Nassau  desired  to  speak  to 
General  .  .  .  ;  the  latter  came  with  his  suite  to  the  outposts, 
where  the  two  generals  talked  from  a  distance.  The  French- 
man spoke  in  a  very  arrogant  tone;  suddenly  his  horse 
seemed  to  bolt  forward  in  spite  of  himself  quite  close  to  the 
Prince  of  Nassau,  to  whom  he  said  in  a  low  voice :  "  Mor- 
dieu  !  why  don't  you  act  ?  To-morrow  we  expect  a  convoy 
from  Chalons;  if  you  take  it  we  are  lost."  Then,  riding 
off,  he  said :  "  Monsieur,  if  you  have  nothing  else  to  say  to  me, 
it  was  hardly  worth  while  to  bring  me  to  the  outposts." 
The  Prince  of  Nassau  immediately  reported  this  ;  they  hesi- 
tated ;  and  arrived  an  hour  too  late  to  seize  the  convoy ! 

The  King  of  Prussia  is  in  despair ;  but  he  assured  the 
baron  that  nothing  was  really  lost,  as  they  would  now  claim 
the  help  of  all  the  Powers  and  make  preparations  to  begin  a 
campaign  with  more  vigour  in  the  spring.  The  Duke  of 
Brunswick  told  the  baron  that  if  it  were  not  cowardly  he 
would  blow  his  brains  out.  He  maintained,  however,  that  it 
was  impossible  to  attack.  Nearly  all  the  Prussian  generals 
were  against  the  expedition,  especially  Kalkreuth. 

7th.  Baron  de  Breteuil  came  to  tell  me  that  the  Aus- 
trians  have  been  defeated  before  Mons  by  eighty  thousand 
Frenchmen  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  cannon  [Dumouriez's 
victory  at  Jemmapes]  ;  that  retreat  from  Brussels  is  decided 
on ;  that  the  government  and  the  archduchess  are  starting 
to  retire  to  Ruremonde,  and  Metternich  had  advised  him  to 
go.  Their  troops  have  suffered  greatly.  The  baron  told  me 
that  he  should  leave  for  Ruremonde  in  three  hours.  At 
nine  o'clock  the  news  was  made  public ;  consternation  and 
fear  general.  One  would  have  thought  that  the  French  were 
at  the  gates  of  the  town ;  nothing  was  seen  but  people  run- 
ning about  in  search  of  means  to  get  away.     All  the  un- 


280  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  x. 

happy  emigres,  without  money,  without  resources,  were  in 
despair.  Not  a  single  hackney-coach  could  be  found.  All 
were  engaged  to  go  to  Antwerp  or  elsewhere,  and  the  whole 
day  nothing  was  seen  but  departures,  also  equipages  coming 
from  the  army. 

For  two  days  there  had  been  orders  to  give  no  post  horses 
without  permission  ;  that  was  alarming.  I  went  to  tell  the 
news  to  Crawford  and  get  them  to  pack  their  things.  I 
packed  mine  and  we  arranged  to  go  together,  with  Simolin, 
by  Antwerp  to  Breda.  I  went  to  see  Mercy  to  ask  him  if 
proper  care  was  taken  of  the  diamonds  of  Jose'phinef?]. 
He  had  the  face  to  tell  me  he  did  not  know  there  were  any ; 
he  had  certainly  received  a  box,  but  he  gave  the  key  to  the 
archduchess  on  her  arrival ;  whereas  it  was  I  who  had  written 
him  the  letter  and  sent  him  the  box.1  I  tried  to  give  him 
courage  and  prove  to  him  that  all  was  not  lost;  that  the 
forces  scattered  through  the  country  must  be  collected,  a 
strong  position  taken  up  between  Mons  and  Brussels,  there 
to  wait  for  the  French  and  attack  them.  By  this  means  we 
should  get  them  away  from  their  supplies  and  beat  them 
easily.  He  said  he  had  written  and  said  all  that,  and  should 
do  so  again,  but  with  a  man  like  Duke  Albert  there  was  noth- 
ing to  hope,  and  the  only  thing  to  do  was  to  go,  for  the  French 
army  would  certainly  be  in  Brussels  within  a  week,  possibly 
the  next  day.  The  archives  had  already  gone,  and  they  were 
emptying  the  treasury.  Terror,  astonishment,  and  fear  were 
on  all  faces.  I  met  Maldeghem;  he  told  me  they  had 
fought  hard  ;  the  Austrians  attacked  several  times  and  were 
repulsed;  they  lost  heavily.     The  whole  road  from  Mons 

1  Possibly,  even  probably,  these  were  Madame  Elisabeth's  diamonds 
which  she  intrusted  for  safe-keeping  to  the  Due  de  Choiseul.  She  stated 
this  on  her  examination  before  Fourquier-Tinville  on  the  day  preced- 
ing her  execution.  See  Life  of  Madame  Elisabeth  in  this  Historical 
Series.  — Tr. 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  281 

was  covered  with  war  equipages  and  carts  with  wounded ;  all 
the  squares  were  filled  except  the  Place  Koyale. 

I  was  engaged  to  dine  with  the  Neapolitan  ambassador ;  he 
sent  to  excuse  himself.  The  Court  carriages  and  equipages 
were  starting  constantly.  We  had  fixed  our  departure  for 
the  next  day,  but  M.  de  Mercy,  who  came  in  the  evening  to 
see  Mme.  Sullivan,  advised  us  not  to  be  in  a  hurry,  we  had 
still  three  or  four  days ;  he  said  he  was  not  going  to  Rure- 
monde,  a  vile,  unhealthy  place,  but  to  DUsseldorf,  and  begged 
us  to  come  there  too.  So  we  decided  to  go,  and  postponed 
our  departure. 

8th.  Lord  Elgin  received  notice  last  night  from  M.  de 
Metternich  that  the  government  had  started  for  Kuremonde. 
La  Marck  came  and  told  us  that  Metternich  was  also  leaving 
in  the  night,  and  Mercy  with  him ;  that  the  council  of  Bra- 
bant was  dissolved  and  they  were  about  to  open  the  prisons ; 
he  was  starting  at  midnight  and  advised  us  to  do  the  same, 
for  probably  the  troops  posted  along  the  road  to  protect  the 
departure  would  soon  be  withdrawn.  Crawford  wanted  to 
start  last  night;  I  tried  to  reassure  them  and  make  them 
wait  till  the  next  day,  swearing  at  Mercy  for  his  selfishness 
in  not  warning  those  he  lived  with  daily,  and  leaving  them 
exposed  to  danger.  Lord  Elgin  came  repeatedly  to  tell  us 
there  were  plots  in  the  town  and  other  nonsense,  for  the 
place  was  perfectly  tranquil.  It  was  decided  we  should 
leave  the  next  day.  .  .  . 

9th.  Simolin,  who  took  charge  of  getting  horses  to  hire, 
could  find  none.  I  bought  four  for  the  fourgon,  and  found 
eight  for  the  carriages ;  I  had  my  own.  They  charged  twenty- 
two  louis  d'or  for  four  horses  as  far  as  Maestricht.  —  The  news 
of  the  insurrection  at  Antwerp  was  made  public,  and  it  was 
said  that  one  carriage  Lord  Elgin  had  sent  there  was  toppled 
into  the  canal  by  the  rascals.  .  .  .     They  urged  me  to  burn 


282  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  x. 

the  portfolio  containing  the  papers  of  the  queen ;  but  I  did 
not  do  so;  I  placed  them  with  mine  in  Simolin's  carriage. 
The  night  before  I  had  resolved  to  send  them  to  England  in 
charge  of  Lord  Elgin,  but  the  insurrection  at  Antwerp  made 
me  change  my  mind. 

At  last  at  midday  we  started,  —  Simolin  and  I  in  his  car- 
riage, our  valets  in  mine ;  the  two  women  and  Crawford  in 
another,  and  the  lady's-maids  in  a  third ;  with  the  f ourgon,  two 
cabriolets,  and  my  saddle-horses.  In  spite  of  what  I  had 
said,  I  was  not  without  fear  of  trouble  in  Brussels  or  on  the 
road ;  but  all  was  quiet ;  every  one  had  a  look  of  fear  and 
consternation.  A  lamentable  spectacle  was  that  of  the 
unfortunate  emigres  along  the  road.  Young  men  and  old 
men  of  the  Bourbon  corps  were  left  behind,  scarcely  able  to 
drag  themselves  along  with  their  muskets  and  knapsacks. 
There  were  even  women  of  elegance,  with  their  maids  or 
without  them,  going  on  foot,  some  carrying  their  children, 
others  little  parcels.  I  longed  at  the  moment  for  a  hundred 
carriages  to  pick  up  those  unfortunates;  I  felt  horror  and 
pity.  .  .  .     We  put  up  for  the  night  at  Louvain.  .  .  . 

11th.  Beached  Maestricht  at  one  o'clock.  Not  a  lodging 
to  be  had.  We  stopped  for  dinner  at  an  eating-house  and 
the  master  gave  us  two  rooms.  Simolin  and  I  got  a  room 
near-by;  both  of  us  in  a  cellar  room.  I  went  to  see  the 
baron  and  found  him  at  dinner  with  twenty  persons  well- 
known  in  society.  Nine  thousand  persons  had  arrived  in 
two  days.     Some  had  slept  in  the  streets. 

14th.  Dined  with  the  Prince  of  Hesse ;  Mme.  de  Brionne, 
Breteuil,  Prince  Camille  de  Bohan,  Dangevilliers,  Archbishop 
of  Bheims,  etc.,  etc.,  there.  As  we  decided  to  start  the  next 
day  for  Aix-la-Chapelle,  I  sent  a  man  on  to  engage 
lodgings.  .  .  . 

December   15th.     Beached    Cologne  at  three  o'clock.    I 


tz^M&c^T/   ^ftZz^Yrt/  *^%r?*Stwz4!:'&e 


1793]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  283 

lodged  with  Simolin  at  the  Court  of  Cologne ;  the  two  ladies 
at  the  Domhof.  Letter  from  Paris,  sent  to  me  by  Mr.  Blair, 
gave  me  pain. 

17th.  Started  at  ten  and  reached  Ophiden  at  two.  Badly 
lodged. 

18th.  Started  at  eleven  and  reached  Dusseldorf  at  six  in 
the  evening. 

23d.  Talked  with  Bretenil.  The  King  of  Prussia  told 
him  he  knew  all  the  democratic  talk  that  went  on  in  his 
army  and  against  himself;  it  was  always  so  in  the  ante- 
chambers of  his  uncle,  who  paid  no  attention  to  it ;  neither 
did  he. 

January  2d,  1793.  The  king  [of  France]  was  summoned 
to  the  bar  on  the  26th.  Delaseze  read  his  justification, 
which  is  strong  in  points.  The  king  added  with  feeling  that 
what  hurt  him  most  was  to  be  accused  of  having  wished  to 
shed  the  blood  of  his  people  —  he,  who  throughout  his  reign 
had  sought  only  their  happiness.  The  king  retired,  and  they 
adjourned  the  discussion  from  day  to  day  until  it  was 
decided. 

12th.  Mr.  Murray  passed  through  Dusseldorf  on  his  way 
to  join  the  King  of  Prussia  and  remain  with  him.  He  says 
that  Pitt  has  fully  decided  to  declare  himself ;  that  they  are 
working  to  save  the  royal  family;  and  they  want  to  win 
Dumouriez,  for  he  has  given  himself  over,  with  Danton, 
Sainte-Foix,  Eobespierre,  and  Marat,  to  the  Orleans  party. 
The  latter  want  to  exterminate  the  royal  family  and  substitute 
that  of  Orleans;  and  if  they  cannot  establish  the  father 
[Egalit£],  at  least  they  can  the  son  [Louis-Philippe].  Eoland 
and  Le  Brun  are  against  it 

27th.  Received  last  night  at  half-past  ten  o'clock,  from 
the  Archbishop  of  Tours 1  the  sad  details  of  the  death  of  the 

1  See  Appendix. 
Ver.  8  19  Mem. 


284  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  x. 

King  of  France.  Though  I  was  prepared  for  it,  the  certainty 
of  so  awful  a  crime  renewed  all  my  sufferings.  The  most 
heart-rending  memories  returned  to  my  imagination.  I  sent 
off  a  courier  that  evening  to  the  regent  [Due  Charles  of 
Sudermania,  Regent  of  Sweden  during  the  minority  of  Gus- 
tavus  IV.].     The  despatch  cost  me  heavily. 

30th.  Louis  XVL's  will  superb.  Nicolai  offers  himself 
to  defend  the  queen.  He  has  written  to  the  queen  to  make 
this  offer,  and  has  sent  his  letter  to  the  president  of  the 
Convention. 

31st.  Letters  from  Paris  say  nothing  of  the  queen's  trial; 
she  is  still  in  the  Temple.  La  Marck  proposed  to  Mercy  to 
ask  the  emperor  to  take  a  very  simple  step,  and  solely  to  save 
his  aunt.  I  opposed  the  idea.  The  step  is  not  a  useful  one, 
and  could  not  save  her;  nothing  can  influence  those  villains, 
and  it  might  be  dangerous  by  stirring  up  the  question  of  her 
trial,  hastening  it  perhaps.  A  step  that  cannot  be  useful 
should  not,  it  seems  to  me,  be  taken.  Crawford,  Simolin, 
La  Marck,  and  I  consulted  the  whole  evening  over  this. 

February  3d.  They  have  written  M.  Quitor,  who  is  here, 
that  it  is  proposed  to  declare  the  dauphin  a  bastard,  degrade 
the  queen,  and  shut  her  up  in  the  Salpetridre.  One  dares 
not  think  of  it  from  horror — but  everything  is  possible. 
Young  Bouille  says  that  the  Prince  of  Wales  had  a  scheme 
with  the  Due  de  Choiseul  and  others  to  carry  off  the  king. 
That  gave  me  an  idea  for  the  rest  of  the  family ;  but  English- 
men alone  could  undertake  it,  and  T  see  a  thousand  diffi- 
culties.    Still,  I  fasten  to  the  idea. 

Monsieur's  declaration  for  the  regency  has  come;  the 
Archbishop  of  Tours  brought  it  to  me  this  evening.  It  is 
well  written ;  but  he  ought  to  take  that  title  only  according 
to  circumstances,  without  specifying  "until  the  majority," 
and  he  ought  to  have  been  silent  as  to  pledges.     The  docu- 


1793]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  285 

ment  will  be  printed  at  Cologne ;  other  printers  have  not 
dared  to  do  it;  they  tried  to  get  it  printed  at  Frankfort. 
Cardinal  de  Montmorency,  who  is  charged  with  notifying  the 
emigres,  wished  to  assemble  them  in  a  court  and  read  it  to 
them ;  but  it  was  represented  to  him  that,  the  French  being 
here  by  fact  only,  not  by  right  (inasmuch  as  there  is  an 
order  for  their  expulsion),  it  would  be  imprudent.  He 
wanted  also  to  make  them  take  an  oath  of  allegiance ;  but 
the  bishops  all  opposed  that.  Not  even  at  a  coronation  are 
individual  oaths  taken.  Every  Frenchman  is  born  a  subject. 
Already  there  are  parties  among  the  emigres.  Some  approve 
of  the  regency  of  Monsieur  ;  others  remember  the  rights  of 
the  queen ;  and  it  is  much  to  be  feared  that  this  division  of 
opinion  may  have  bad  results  some  day.  The  princes  are 
already  beginning  to  commit  follies. 

6th.  The  death  of  the  king  does  not  seem  to  have  had  a 
great  effect  upon  the  emigres  ;  they  console  themselves  with 
Monsieur's  regency.  Some  have  even  been  to  the  theatres 
and  to  concerts. 

13th.  News  from  Cologne  that  France  declared  war  Feb- 
ruary 1  on  England  and  Holland  ;  that  a  manifesto  is  to  be 
issued  with  an  appeal  to  the  people;  that  eight  hundred 
millions  of  assignats  have  [been  decreed,  twenty  millions  to 
buy  grain  in  foreign  markets ;  that  wood  is  to  be  brought 
from  Corsica  to  build  ships  at  Toulon  immediately.  Special 
protection  given  to  the  English  and  their  property.  If  this 
were  serious  it  would  be  laughable. 

16th.  Letters  from  Paris  through  the  Hague  tell  me  that 
the  queen  is  very  thin  and  changed,  but  is  well  in  health ; 
that  the  dauphin  is  charming ;  that  his  guards  weep  over 
him.  Kalkreuth  says  that  the  secretary  of  M.  Pache,  who 
came  with  him  to  Mayence  and  is  the  most  violent  fanatic 
of  them  all,  told  him  that  the  Due  d'Orldans  asked  to  be  the 


286  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  x. 

executioner  of  the  king;  he  said  if  they  drove  him  from 
France  he  should  demand  to  be  guillotined,  for  he  would  not 
be  received  in  any  other  country. 

26th.  News  from  Breteuil  to  the  17th  that  he  knows  the 
queen  and  her  family  are  well  in  health.  They  tell  that 
Dumouriez  said  on  leaving  Paris  that  in  six  weeks  he 
should  return  and  find  a  king  there,  —  apparently  the  Due 
d'Orleans,  whom  they  want  to  make  consul  with  unlimited 
powers. 

March  7,  1793.  Nicola'i  writes  from  Paris  on  the  26th 
that  a  section  deliberated  in  the  Temple,  and  declared  that 
Louis  Capet  [the  dauphin]  was  born  to  be  a  bad  man  and 
they  must  make  a  good  one  of  him  by  taking  him  from  two 
incorrigible  women.  There  is  talk  of  petitions  to  condemn 
the  queen.  It  seems  certain  that  the  Orleans  party  are 
working  hard;  it  is  thought  they  may  profit  by  the  riots 
caused  by  want  and  misery,  that  they  even  excite  them,  to 
prove  the  necessity  of  a  sovereign  and  get  the  Due  d'Orldans 
nominated. 

30  th.  Baron  de  Breteuil  arrived  to-night.  He  is  person- 
ally much  satisfied  with  Pitt  and  the  English  ministers. 
He  says  that  Pitt  is  a  poor  man  on  all  external  affairs,  which 
he  does  not  at  all  understand,  and  covers  his  mediocrity  by 
silence ;  but  he  understands  perfectly  the  internal  affairs  of 
the  kingdom,  especially  intrigue  to  keep  his  office  and  his 
popularity.  He  thinks  the  ministry  are  working  towards 
the  total  ruin  of  France,  and  are  not  much  interested  in  the 
preservation  of  the  royal  family.  The  constitutionals  have 
proposed  to  the  baron  to  obtain  a  decree  to  exile  the  queen 
and  her  family,  and  for  that  they  ask  six  millions  payable 
when  the  queen  is  on  foreign  soil.  The  baron  spoke  of 
this  to  Mr.  Pitt,  with  a  view  of  obtaining  the  six  millions, 
but  Pitt  saw  great  difficulties ;  such  as  dealing  with  people  of 


1793]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  287 

that  sort,  and  the  fact  that  they  would  boast  of  it ;  he  prom- 
ised, however,  to  speak  to  the  king  of  it. 

30th.  Dumouriez  has  written  a  letter  under  date  of  March 
12,  which  is  published  in  the  "Brussels  Gazette,"  the  last 
number  printed ;  this  letter  is  very  strong  against  the  As- 
sembly ;  by  it  Dumouriez  seems  to  wish  to  break  with  the 
Assembly  altogether.  No  report  of  this  has  been  made  to 
the  Convention,  at  least  none  is  mentioned  in  any  Paris 
newspaper.  It  seems  certain  that  Dumouriez  has  made  pro- 
posals to  the  Prince  of  Coburg  pie  was  defeated  by  the 
Prince  of  Coburg  at  Neerwinden  March  18]  ;  MM.  La 
Marck  and  Fischer  went  to  his  camp  and  were  a  long  time 
with  him;  on  their  return,  Fischer  instantly  started  for 
Vienna. 

31st.  Eeceived  a  letter  from  the  Duchesse  de  Polignac, 
who  tells  me  she  has  received  news  of  the  queen  through  a 
physician ;  he  must  surely  be  La  Caze. 

April  5, 1793.  An  express  sent  by  the  Vicomte  de  Cara- 
man  [French  envoy  to  the  Court  of  Berlin]  to  the  Baron  de 
Breteuil  brings  the  agreement  made  by  Dumouriez  with  the 
Prince  of  Coburg.  I  despatched  it  by  express  to  Sweden. 
The  joy  is  very  keen.  It  is  all  the  greater  to  me  because  I 
fear  no  longer  for  the  queen.  I  asked  Taube  to  write 
me  whether  I  was  to  regulate  my  actions  according  to  the  in- 
structions I  already  have,  in  case  the  king  [Louis  XVIL] 
were  set  at  liberty,  or  whether  I  must  await  others ;  in  the 
latter  case  to  send  them  instantly,  for  things  might  go  very 
fast.  As  he  knows  the  situation  best,  I  thought  it  better 
to  leave  the  matter  to  his  decision  than  to  ask  any  questions 
myself. 

In  the  evening  Marechal  de  Broglie  received  information 
that  Dumouriez  was  marching  alone  on  Paris  with  fifty 
thousand  men,  all  wearing  the  white  cockade ;  and  that  the 


288  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  x. 

Prince  of  Coburg  remained  on  the  frontier  ready  to  support 
him,  if  necessary. 

7th.  I  proposed  to  the  baron  to  send  some  one  who  could 
see  the  queen  at  the  moment  of  her  deliverance,  to  inform 
her  fully  as  to  her  position,  and  to  give  her  advice  on  what 
she  ought  to  do,  in  contradiction  to  that  which  Mercy  would 
not  fail  to  write  to  her.  He  liked  the  idea,  and  the  Bishop 
of  Pamiers  is  to  start  to-morrow  morning ;  he  is  to  approach 
the  French  army  and  endeavour,  through  Sainte-Foix,  to  see 
Dumouriez. 

8th.  I  was  occupied  early  in  the  morning  in  writing  a 
note  to  the  queen  when  the  Bishop  of  Pamiers  came  to  tell 
me  that  Dumouriez's  army  had  revolted  against  him ;  that  he 
had  ridden  through  Mons  with  his  staff,  nearly  all  the  officers 
of  the  engineer  and  the  artillery  corps,  and  many  troops  of 
the  line,  and  that  others  were  following  him.  It  was  Dam-* 
pierre  who  bribed  the  National  Guard.  When  Dumouriez 
saw  that  something  was  plotted,  he  endeavoured  to  deliver 
over  the  artillery  and  the  treasure,  but  this  was  prevented, 
and  he  could  only  make  his  escape  alone.  He  was  even 
shot  at  by  one  of  his  own  detachments.  At  the  first  moment 
the  news  shocked  me;  my  fears  for  the  queen  revived; 
otherwise  the  news  would  have  been  good ;  their  army  was 
disorganized,  and  Dumouriez,  who,  at  the  head  of  50,000 
men  would  have  been  a  power,  was  no  longer  anything.  The 
consternation  among  the  French  was  as  great  as  their  joy 
had  been ;  they  now  thought  all  was  lost. 

10th.  The  Mardchal  de  Castries  [agent  of  the  princes] 
passed  through  on  his  way  to  Brussels  some  days  ago.  He 
said  he  was  going  on  pecuniary  business ;  but  it  was  doubt- 
less to  get  nearer  to  events  and  to  Dumouriez,  and  negotiate 
the  regency.  M.  de  Limon,  who  has  seen  Monsieur,  assures 
me  that,  from  what  Monsieur  said  to  him,  he  had  reason 


1793]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  289 

to  believe  that  he  would  resign  the  regency  to  the  queen  as 
soon  as  she  was  set  at  liberty.  I  told  Limon  how  important 
it  was  to  induce  Monsieur  to  write  and  send  a  letter  to  be 
given  to  the  queen  at  the  moment  of  her  deliverance ;  or,  at 
least,  that  Monsieur  should  take  that  step  the  moment  he 
received  news  of  her  freedom.  I  said  that  if  he  did  not  do 
this  of  his  own  impulse  and  without  consulting  any  one,  he 
would  surely  be  dissuaded  by  his  advisers ;  and  that  this  re- 
nunciation was  important  to  avoid  intrigues  within  the  coun- 
try, and  prevent  disunion  among  the  Powers.  Limon  felt  the 
truth  of  this  reasoning,  and  offered  to  be  the  man  to  induce 
Monsieur  to  take  the  step,  provided  he  could  be  the  first  to 
give  him  the  news  of  the  queen's  deliverance,  and  so  fore- 
stall the  deliberations  of  Monsieur's  council  and  their  com- 
munications to  the  Powers.  Breteuil  approved  of  this,  and 
we  agreed  to  try,  through  Metternich,  that  he  should  be  the 
first  person  informed  of  the  event. 

17th.  Dumouriez  arrived  at  two  o'clock;  I  went  with 
Simolin  to  see  him  at  the  post-house.  We  struggled  through 
a  crowd  of  people  and  found  him  in  a  lower  room,  the  win- 
dows besieged  by  the  people  outside.  He  was  alone  with 
three  aides-de-camp.  He  recognized  Simolin ;  I  named  my- 
self; he  made  me  a  compliment,  saying  he  ought  to  have 
known  me  by  my  handsome  face.  I  thanked  him  for  his 
courtesies  to  Berlin;  he  answered  that  if  he  had  not  done 
more  it  was  not  his  fault,  but  that  of  circumstances.  I  told 
him  that  I  was  very  glad  to  see  him  here ;  he  answered  that 
he  had  long  intended  it.  He  told  us  that  Sainte-Foix  had 
nothing  to  dread  ;  that  fear  was  in  Paris  and  they  would  not 
dare  to  do  anything  to  him.  I  said  to  him :  "  Explain  to 
us,  monsieur,  what  has  taken  place  in  relation  to  the  Due 
d'Orldans."  —  "I  can  give  you  no  explanation,  monsieur  le 
comte,"  he  replied,  "  for  I  have  never  had  any  relations  with 


290  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  x, 

the  Due  d'Orleans,  whom  I  have  always  despised,  and  con- 
sidered a  scoundrel.  I  know,  however,  that  much  has  been 
said ;  and  as  this  rumour  is  the  only  stain  with  which  they 
can  blacken  my  conduct,  I  am  going  to  issue  a  proclamation 
which  will  prove  that  I  have  never  had  anything  to  do  with 
him."  He  said  much  good  of  the  Due  de  Chartres,  who,  he 
told  me,  did  not  resemble  his  father  in  any  way.  .  .  .  He 
complained  much  of  Dampierre,  who  had  betrayed  him,  and 
in  whom  he  had  confidence,  being,  he  said,  a  man  of  quality 
and  born  to  think  rightly.  He  said  his  plan  had  been  to 
capture  and  deliver  up  [to  the  Prince  de  Coburg]  Lille, 
Conde\  Valenciennes,  and  Maubeuge,  with  the  commissioners 
who  were  there  to  serve  as  hostages;  that  this  plan  had 
partly  failed  through  the  imbecility  of  those  he  intrusted 
with  it ;  but  the  proposal  had  already  been  made  to  exchange 
the  four  commissioners  against  the  royal  family ; 1  that  his 
opinion  had  been  that  everything  should  be  granted  to  get 
possession  of  the  royal  family ;  after  that,  no  terms  should 
be  kept  with  those  wretches ;  and  finally,  he  said  that  even 
if  the  republic  were  recognized,  the  war  should  be  continued 
to  see  which  were  the  stronger,  it  or  the  Powers.  —  On  the 
whole,  I  found  him  a  true  Frenchman,  vain,  confident,  heed- 
less; with  much  intelligence  and  little  judgment.  His 
scheme  failed  through  excess  of  confidence  in  his  strength 
and  in  his  influence  with  the  army.  He  did  not  sufficiently 
prepare  the  thing.  I  noticed  that  he  was  very  uneasy  and 
nervous  at  the  noise  made  by  the  crowd  at  the  door  and 
windows;  he  seemed  to  be  afraid  of  some  mishap.  His 
valet  came  in  and  complained  of  being  insulted  by  an  emigre; 
he  sent  him  away  and  said  to  us :  "  If  those  gentlemen  push 

1  Eventually  these  commissioners  were  exchanged,  in  November,  1795, 
for  the  last  living  member  of  the  royal  family,  Marie-The'rese,  afterwards 
Duchesse  d'Angouleme.    See  Life  of  Madame  Elisabeth.  —  Te. 


1798]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSIN.  291 

the  thing  too  far  I  shall  show  them  that  I  can  still  make 
myself  respected."  His  man  was  in  the  wrong;  he  said  that 
his  master  had  always  been  a  good  patriot.  The  SmigrSs 
were  very  angry  and  wanted  to  knock  him  down.  I  left  him 
with  the  fear  that  some  hot-heads  might  make  a  scene. 

As  he  got  into  his  carriage  he  was  insulted.  He  told  me,  in 
order  to  justify  the  different  proclamations  he  had  made,  that 
one  had  to  talk  to  those  fellows  in  their  own  language,  for 
they  could  not  pass  from  the  state  of  anarchy  in  which  they 
were  to  despotism  without  going  through  various  gradations. 

25th.  Brussels.  Our  carriage  broke  down  and  obliged  us 
to  pass  a  whole  day  at  Aix-la-Chapelle.  Propositions  have 
been  made  to  exchange  the  royal  family  against  the  four 
commissioners  captured  by  Dumouriez,  but  they  demand,  in 
addition,  an  unlimited  suspension  of  arms,  and  the  recognition 
of  the  republic.  The  Prince  of  Coburg  has  asked  an  explana- 
tion of  the  term  "  unlimited  suspension,"  and  also  that  the 
royal  family  be  brought,  to  the  frontier,  where  the  commis- 
sioners would  also  be  brought,  and  then  they  would  negotiate. 
The  answer  to  these  proposals  is  now  awaited.  Metternich 
told  Facius,  the  Eussian  consul,  that  he  hoped  the  royal 
family  would  soon  be  here. 

28th.  The  archduke  made  his  re-entrance  [into  Brussels]. 
He  was  in  a  phaeton  arranged  like  a  car,  drawn  by  over 
three  hundred  persons,  —  a  cupid  on  the  box.  He  was  re- 
ceived with  demonstrations  of  affection.  He  held  a  Court. 
All  the  apartments  are  devastated ;  in  the  salon  the  mirrors 
and  tables  on  one  side  are  broken,  the  chimney-piece  also"; 
the  tapestries  carried  off.  At  the  theatre  they  offered  him 
congratulations ;  afterwards  there  was  a  ball  and  supper  and 
an  illumination.  It  was  quite  remarkable  what  order  reigned 
among  the  crowds  who  were  everywhere. 

May  22, 1793.    Dr.  La  Caze  has  been  to  the  Temple :  he 


292  DIARY  AND   CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap,  x 

found  the  queen  little  changed,  but  Madame  Elisabeth  so 
unrecognizable  that  he  did  not  know  her  until  the  queen 
called  her  "my  sister."  She  was  in  the  room,  wearing  a 
night-cap  and  a  very  common  cotton  gown.  The  little 
Madame  had  her  body  all  covered  with  ulcers,  and  is  threat- 
ened with  consumption  of  the  blood.  Her  youth  and  care 
may  bring  her  safely  through  it.  They  write  from  Paris 
that  the  young  king  has  been  ill,  and  that  the  Commune  re- 
fused the  doctor  the  queen  asked  for  on  the  ground  that  he 
was  an  aristocrat;  they  sent  one  of  their  own  choosing. 
Louis  XVII.  has  had  a  rupture. 

June  28th,  1793.  Mercy  says  that  the  queen  has  been 
very  ill,  but  is  now  well,  and  that  she  was  extremely  well 
taken  care  of  during  her  illness. 

July  10th,  1793.  A  woman  just  from  Paris  says  they 
are  beginning  to  feel  better  towards  the  royal  family.  The 
queen  walks  in  the  garden,  and  the  people  applaud  when 
they  see  her ;  they  even  cry  out,  "  Vive  le  dauphin  ! " 

12th.  Bad  news  from  Paris.  The  dauphin  is  separated 
from  the  queen  by  the  [word  omitted]  and  put  in  another 
room  in  the  Temple ;  this  seems  to  me  very  bad ;  what  awful 
suffering  for  the  queen ;  unhappy  princess  S 

13th.  The  bad  news  confirmed.  The  separation  of  the 
dauphin  and  queen  is  inconceivable.  One  only  thing  consoles 
and  gives  me  a  little  hope ;  it  is  that  they  speak  more  re- 
spectfully of  the  royal  family.  Letters  from  Paris  say  there 
is  a  project  of  taking  them  to  Saint-Cloud,  and  that  General 
Wimpffen  is  nine  leagues  from  Paris  —  but  this  is  doubtful. 

25th.  News  of  the  taking  of  Mayence  arrived  this  morn- 
ing ;  it  surrendered  by  capitulation  on  the  22d.  Lord  Elgin 
arrived  last  night ;  the  details  he  gives  as  to  the  operations 
of  the  Duke  of  Brunswick  are  horrifying.  He  adopted  an 
ill-chosen  and  disastrous  defensive. 


1793]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  293 

August  11th,  1793.1  Having  talked  with  La  Marck  on 
the  means  of  saving  the  queen,  and  agreeing  that  there  were 
none  except  to  push  forward  at  once  a  strong  body  of  cavalry 
to  Paris,  —  which  would  be  the  easier  to  do  at  this  moment, 
because  there  are  no  troops  before  the  city  and  the  granaries 
are  full, — I  went  to  see  Mercy  about  it,  and  found  him  all 
ice  to  the  idea.  He  saw  the  impossibilities.  He  believes 
the  royal  family  lost  and  that  nothing  can  be  done  for  them. 
He  does  not  think  the  factious  would  negotiate ;  he  believes 
they  will  go  to  all  lengths  in  order  to  so  bind  the  whole  of 
France  to  their  crimes  that  there  will  be  no  course  for  indi- 
viduals to  take  but  that  of  victory  or  death  with  them.  He 
ended  by  telling  me  there  was  no  hope.  I  left  him  and  urged 
La  Marck  to  speak  to  him.  He  did  persuade  him  to  write 
to  the  Prince  of  Coburg,  and  promised  to  show  me  the  letter 
the  next  day.  —  I  went  to  the  theatre  to  avoid  what  might 
seem  like  affectation.  I  found  the  French  all  there  as  usual, 
even  the  women.     Great  Gods,  what  a  nation ! 

12th.  La  Marck  brought  me  the  letter  to  the  Prince  of 
Coburg,  which  he  had  himself  written  for  Mercy;  it  was 
very  urgent  and  very  well  done.  He  proposes  the  march  to 
Paris.  .  .  .  Mercy  exacts  nothing,  but  the  proposals  are  very 
pressing,  and  if  the  Prince  of  Coburg  does  not  yield  to  them, 
he  will  be  responsible  far  the  evils  that  will  happen.  La 
Marck  had  great  difficulty  in  getting  Mercy  to  take  this 
step ;  he  was  afraid  England  would  not  like  it,  and  would 
accuse  them  of  continually  changing  their  plans.  Crawford 
reassured  him  as  to  the  earnest  desire  of  the  English  minis- 
try to  save  the  family.  Mercy  begged  him  to  write  to 
England  and  explain  the  reasons  for  the  new  plan,  and  he 
promised  the  Comte  de  La  Marck  to  send  off  the  letter  to 
the  Prince  of  Coburg  by  express  last  night. 

1  The  queen  had  been  taken  to  the  Conciergerie. 


294  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  x. 

13th.  Letters  from  Paris  to  the  6th  say  nothing  of  the 
queen;  one  from  the  Duchesse  de  Mailly  to  her  daughter 
says,  in  a  very  involved  way,  that  she  is  running  great 
dangers. 

14th.  Papers  of  10th  mention  the  queen  only  to  refute  a 
false  report,  but  they  assert  that  she  is  in  the  Conciergerie. 
Letters  from  Menin  speak  of  news  received  there  that  the 
Convention  had  proposed  to  the  queen  to  write  to  the  emperor 
to  withdraw  his  troops,  and  on  that  being  done  she  and  her 
family  would  be  set  at  liberty ;  but  she  answered  that  the 
same  promise  made  to  the  late  king  relating  to  the  Prussian 
troops  had  not  saved  his  life,  and,  moreover,  that  she  could 
not  negotiate  with  assassins.     All  this  seems  to  me  false. 

16th.  The  reply  of  the  Prince  of  Coburg  is  pitiable;  it 
dwells  on  the  idea  of  going  with  the  whole  army  to  Paris,  and 
the  impossibility  of  such  an  enterprise.  In  his  letter  he  con- 
siders nothing  but  the  military  side,  and  even  the  mechanical 
side  of  that ;  for  it  is  plain  that  the  proposed  operation  was 
the  best  of  all  to  make  if  it  had  no  other  advantage  than 
carrying  off  all  the  food  supplies  in  Picardy,  the  horses,  carts, 
etc.,  possess  them  himself,  and  prevent  the  others  from  hav- 
ing them.  .  .  .  The  Prince  of  Coburg  covers  himself  with 
shame ;  he  gives  the  measure  of  his  genius  and  that  of  his 
right  arm,  Prince  Hohenlohe,  who  is  only  a  military  routineer ; 
the  departure  of  M.  de  Mack  is  more  to  be  regretted  than 
ever ;  he  was  the  man  to  have  led  this  thing. 

19th.  At  the  solicitation  of  La  Marck  the  Comte  de 
Mercy  has  decided  to  send  some  one  to  Paris  to  know  what 
is  happening,  and  see  if  we  could  negotiate  the  release  of 
the  queen  for  money  and  the  hope  of  pardon.  He  has  cast 
his  eyes  on  Noverre,  the  ballet-master,  who  consents  to  go, 
and  on  M.  Eibbes,  a  financier,  who  has  always  managed  the 
various   parties  for  his  private  interests ;  but  who   thinks 


1793]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  295 

well,  nevertheless.  I  went  to  talk  of  it  with  Breteuil ;  I 
found  him  rather  opposed  to  it  from  the  fear  that  instead  of 
quieting  their  malignity  it  might  increase  it  by  showing 
them  the  interest  taken  in  the  matter.  I  have  always  thought 
that  as  long  as  the  queen  was  in  the  Temple  with  her  son, 
and  was  not  threatened,  she  was  safe;  but  now  that 
she  is  threatened  and  is  parted  from  her  son,  and  especially 
since  the  refusal  of  the  Prince  of  Coburg  to  march  his 
cavalry  to  Paris,  I  think  there  is  nothing  but  this  one  step 
to  take,  and  that  it  may  present  advantages  without  dangers. 
The  baron  resolved  upon  it,  and  I  promised  to  see  Ribbes  and 
propose  the  journey  to  him.  —  I  showed  La  Marck,  whom  I 
went  to  see,  that,  in  order  to  succeed,  the  queen  must  be 
isolated  from  all  political  questions,  and  made  simply  an 
object  of  interest  to  the  Austrian  family ;  it  should  also  be 
shown  to  those  men  how  useless  this  fresh  crime  would  be  to 
them,  and  how  certain  to  bring  down  vengeance  on  their 
heads;  and  above  all,  they  should  be  made  to  see  that  it 
could  not  stop  the  advance  of  the  allied  Powers.  He  was  of 
my  opinion,  and  the  baron  also.  I  advised  that  the  step 
should  not  be  taken  without  informing  England  and 
Prussia. 

21st.  The  baron  has  seen  M.  Ribbes ;  he  agrees  to  under- 
take the  commission ;  as  he  cannot  go  himself  to  Paris  he 
will  go  to  the  frontier  and  send  for  his  brother,  whom  he 
will  instruct  to  see  Danton,  and,  if  necessary,  ask  him  for 
an  interview  near  Paris  to  which  Eibbes  could  go. 

22d.  The  baron  has  seen  La  Marck,  and  they  agree  per- 
fectly on  the  sort  of  commission  to  give  M.  Ribbes,  though 
they  do  not  agree  on  political  points. 

25th.  The  gazettes  of  Paris  to  the  20th  say  that  the  pub^ 
lie  prosecutor  of  the  revolutionary  tribunal  has  asked  for 
documents  against  the  queen,  and  it  is  decreed  to  give  them 


296  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  x. 

to  him.  This  makes  me  tremble  ;  I  am  very  sure  there  are 
none,  but  they  will  forge  some. 

In  the  Homburg  Gazette  there  are  details  on  the  removal 
of  the  queen  to  the  Conciergerie  which  have  not  been  in 
any  other  paper;  they  are  horrible.  O'Connell,  he  who 
served  in  the  Eoyal-Swedish  and  was  so  protected  by  Comte 
d'Artois  and  the  Polignacs,  and  who  remained  in  the  revolu- 
tion, being  made  a  major  out  of  his  rank  and  before  others, 
gave  the  following  details.     [These  details  are  missing.] 

29th.  Eibbes  has  seen  M.  de  Mercy ;  he  thought  the  pro- 
posed instructions  good ;  but  made  difficulties  about  promis- 
ing money ;  thought  that  favours,  safety,  protection,  and 
pardon  should  suffice.  He  gave  in,  however,  or  seemed  to  do 
so ;  but  refused  absolutely  to  let  the  overture  be  made  in  the 
emperor's  name.  He  wanted  Eibbes  to  speak  to  Danton  as 
if  from  speculators  interested  in  the  political  condition  of 
Europe  and  anxious  to  know  what  to  expect.  A  miserable 
method;  and  this  change  in  M.  de  Mercy  surprises  and 
grieves  me.  La  Marck,  without  saying  so,  seems  to  disap- 
prove it.  I  am  all  the  more  distressed  because  I  think  I  see 
in  the  second  objection  a  doubt  in  Mercy's  mind  as  to  how 
far  the  Powers  and  even  Austria  desire  the  liberty  of  the 
queen.  He  added:  "I  must  say  it,  although  with  regret, 
that  even  if  the  queen  were  on  the  scaffold,  that  last  atrocity 
could  not  stop  the  Powers  or  change  their  course."  The  Baron 
de  Breteuil  is  extremely  irritated  against  M.  de  Mercy,  and 
is  to  have  a  conversation  with  him.  I  exhort  him  to  moder- 
ation, to  yield  to  circumstances,  and  try  to  get  the  best  he 
can  out  of  them. 

30th.  The  baron  has  seen  M.  de  Mercy ;  who,  in  spite  of 
all  the  baron  said  to  him,  will  not  yield  his  ideas.  Breteuil 
became  angry  and  told  him  if  that  were  so,  Eibbes  could  not 
go  and  his  mission  was  useless.     M.  de  Mercy  wished  him 


1793]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  297 

to  go  and  sound  Danton,  and  promised  that  during  that  time 
he  would  send  a  courier  to  Vienna,  so  that  hy  the  time 
Eibbes  returned  he  might  be  able  to  speak  more  positively. 
Eibbes  came  to  me  very  discontented;  he  already  thought 
himself  an  important  personage,  and  regretted  not  being  one. 
In  that  I  thought  him  very  French.  I  induced  him  to 
undertake  the  commission  in  the  way  M.  de  Mercy  wished ; 
and  I  persuaded  the  baron  also  by  telling  him  that  he  ought 
to  authorize  Eibbes  and  give  him  greater  latitude  by  naming 
the  persons  who  sent  him.  The  baron  pointed  out  to  M.  de 
Mercy  that  the  diamonds  and  the  money  captured  at  Semon- 
ville  could  be  used  for  this  purpose. 

September  3,  1793.  Eibbes  will,  at  last,  start  to-morrow; 
La  Marck  told  him  to  ask  Danton  to  send  back  with 
him  a  man  in  his  confidence  with  whom  we  could  negotiate, 
and  to  whom  we  could  give  all  necessary  securities.  The 
baron  sees  in  this  a  project  to  have  a  man  near  Danton  with 
whom  Mercy  can  negotiate  without  the  baron's  knowledge. 
I  think  this  way  of  looking  at  it  too  suspicious  ;  I  see  in  the 
arrival  of  such  a  man  a  surer  way  of  negotiating. 

11th.  The  Abbe"  de  Montesquieu  has  been  to  see  me; 
he  has  just  arrived  from  England.  He  told  me  that  M. 
de  Mercy  must  have  in  his  possession,  from  the  queen, 
fifteen  hundred  thousand  francs  which  he,  the  abb£,  took 
to  him. 

13th.  The  news  from  Paris  which  came  last  night  is  very 
bad  for  the  queen.  It  is  plain  they  intend  to  begin  her  trial 
Eibbes  has  returned ;  he  took  the  course  of  writing  to  Dan- 
ton in  a  manner  unintelligible  to  any  but  himself,  and  has 
sent  him  the  letter.  I  fear  it  will  arrive  too  late.  What 
reproaches  M.  de  Mercy  will  then  be  forced  to  make  to  him- 
self, —  he  who  made  us  lose  eight  days  by  his  stay  in  the 
country,  and  four  more  after  his  return  by  the  difficulties  he 


298  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  x. 

made.  It  is  a  horror  to  think  of !  God  preserve  her,  and 
give  me  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  her  once  more ! 

26th.  They  write  from  Paris  that  the  queen  was  subjected 
to  an  examination  before  the  revolutionary  tribunal.  They 
asked  her  if  she  was  the  widow  of  Louis  Capet;  she  an- 
swered :  "  You  know  that  I  am  the  widow  of  your  king." 
To  a  second  question  she  replied :  "  You  can  be  my  execu- 
tioners, my  murderers,  but  you  can  never  be  my  judges." 
After  that  she  was  seized  with  a  nervous  attack  which  obliged 
them  to  take  her  back  to  her  room. 

October  5th.  They  have  captured  Drouet,  commissary  of 
the  Convention,  at  Maubeuge.  He  is  thought  to  be  the  post- 
master of  Sainte-Menehould.  I  doubt  it ;  I  think  that  man 
was  his  brother.     He  is  to  be  transferred  here. 

7th.  Drouet  arrived  at  eleven  o'clock.  I  went  with 
Colonel  Hervey  to  see  him  in  his  prison  at  Sainte-Elisabeth. 
He  is  a  man  six  feet  tall,  thirty-three  or  thirty-four  years  of 
age,  who  would  be  well  enough  in  face  if  he  were  not  such 
a  villain.  He  had  irons  on  his  feet  and  hands.  We  asked 
him  if  he  was  the  post-master  at  Sainte-Menehould  who 
stopped  the  king  at  Varennes.  He  told  us  it  was  he  who 
went  to  Varennes,  but  it  was  not  he  who  stopped  the  king. 
He  would  not  open  his  over-coat,  lest  he  should  show  his 
chain,  which  went  from  his  right  foot  to  his  left  hand.  The 
sight  of  that  infamous  wretch  made  me  angry,  and  the  effort 
I  made  to  say  nothing  to  him,  on  account  of  the  Abbe1  de 
Limon  and  the  Comte  de  Fitz-James,  who  were  there,  made 
me  ill. 

An  officer  captured  with  him  said  the  queen  ran  no  risk ; 
that  she  was  very  well  treated,  and  had  all  she  wanted.  The 
wretches  !  how  they  lie !  —  An  English  traveller  who  arrived 
in  Switzerland  says  that  he  paid  twenty-five  louis  to  enter  the 
queen's  prison ;  he  carried  in  a  pitcher  of  water.     She  was  in 


1793]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEtf.  299 

a  vault,  where  there  was  a  bad  bed,  a  table,  and  a  chair.  He 
found  the  queen  seated,  her  face  leaning  upon  and  covered 
by  her  hands,  her  head  wrapped  in  two  handkerchiefs,  and 
she  herself  extremely  ill-clothed.  She  did  not  even  look  at 
him,  and  he  said  nothing  to  her,  which  was  agreed  upon. 
What  a  horrible  tale !    I  shall  try  to  be  certain  if  it  is  true. 

14th.  There  was  not  a  word  of  truth  in  what  Count 
Metternich  told  us  last  night.  The  traveller  he  spoke  of  is 
named  Aubre\  a  lawyer  of  this  city  who  does  business.  He 
came  from  Paris  with  goods,  and  never  said  a  word  of  all  that. 
He  is  a  species  of  Jacobin,  that  Aubre\  He  says,  on  the  con- 
trary, that  the  queen  is  not  ill-treated ;  that  her  room  was  as 
good  as  it  could  be  in  a  prison ;  that  her  bed  was  iron  with 
cotton  curtains,  good  mattresses,  and  the  necessary  covering, 
all  very  clean.  Her  dinner  was  that  of  a  bourgeoise  in  con- 
valescence ;  when  they  took  away  the  jailer  of  the  Concier- 
gerie  they  also  took  away  his  wife,  who  waited  on  her  and 
was  very  respectful ;  since  then  the  queen  would  have  no  one 
serve  her.  He  added  that  he  could  have  saved  the  queen  for 
two  hundred  thousand  francs  which  were  proposed  to  him,  but 
she  refused.  This  put  it  into  M.  de  Breteuil's  head  to  speak  to 
this  Englishman  himself  and  offer  him  two  millions  if  he  suc- 
ceeded. I  approved  the  idea,  but  only  on  condition  that  he 
told  us  his  means,  so  as  to  be  sure  he  was  not  regarding  the 
queen's  deliverance  like  a  lottery  ticket,  and  would  not 
expose  her  life  to  make  two  millions  without  great  prob- 
ability of  success. 

16th.  I  met  the  Prince  de  Ligne  at  Breteuil's.  He  is 
much  dissatisfied  at  not  being  employed,  and  consequently 
blames  everything  that  is  done,  in  which  he  may  be  right. 
He  told  us  that  the  Emperor  Joseph  was  extremely  change- 
able ;  sometimes  kind,  sometimes  harsh  to  people,  but  he 
always  became  kind  when  any  one  held  firm  against  him. 

Ver.  8  20  Mem. 


300  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  x.  , 

20th.  Grandmaison  came  to  tell  me  that  Akerman,  a 
banker,  had  received  a  letter  from  his  correspondent  in 
Paris  which  stated  that  sentence  on  the  queen  was  pro- 
nounced the  evening  before,  and  was  to  have  been  executed 
immediately,  but  circumstances  had  delayed  it ;  that  the 
people  —  that  is  to  say,  the  paid  populace  —  were  beginning 
to  mutter  and  say  that  "  this  was  the  day  when  Marie- 
Antoinette  was  to  appear  at  the  national  window ! " 

Though  I  was  prepared  for  this,  and  ever  since  her  re- 
moval to  the  Conciergerie  have  expected  it,  still  the  certainty 
overcame  me ;  I  had  no  strength  to  feel  anything.  I  went 
out  to  speak  of  this  sorrow  to  friends,  to  Mme.  de  Fitz- 
James,  and  Breteuil,  whom  I  did  not  find;  I  wept  with 
them,  especially  with  Mme.  Fitz-James.  The  gazette  of  the 
17th  speaks  of  it.  It  was  on  the  16th,  at  half-past  eleven 
o'clock,  that  this  execrable  crime  was  committed ;  and  divine 
justice  has  not  yet  descended  on  those  monsters ! 

21st.  I  can  think  only  of  my  loss  ;  it  is  awful  to  have  no 
positive  details ;  to  think  that  she  was  alone  in  her  last 
moments,  without  consolation,  without  a  person  to  whom  she 
could  speak,  to  whom  she  could  give  her  last  wishes.  It  is 
horrible.  Monsters  of  hell !  —  No,  without  vengeance  my 
heart  can  never  be  content. 

November  6th,  1793.  The  fate  of  Madame  Elisabeth  seems 
to  be  decided,  and  those  unhappy  children  are  abandoned  to 
these  infamous  wretches  !  Madame  especially  is  to  be  pitied  ; 
she  is  sensitive,  and  has  intelligence  enough  to  feel  the  whole 
horror  of  her  situation ;  they  are  capable  of  everything  towards 
her.  As  for  the  king,  they  will  ruin  his  natural  character, 
and  his  existence  may  become  an  evil  to  France,  if  ever  he 
is  king.  What  a  horror !  and  why  does  not  divine  justice 
avenge  such  wrongs  ? 

17th.    They  say  that  the  coach  which  took  the  unfortu- 


1793]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  301 

nate  queen  from  the  Temple  to  the  Conciergerie  was  full  of 
blood.  The  coachman  did  not  know  whom  he  drove,  but 
suspected  it.  When  they  reached  the  Conciergerie  they 
were  there  a  long  time  without  getting  out ;  then  the  men 
went  first,  and  the  woman  last ;  she  leaned  upon  his  arm ; 
and  afterwards  he  found  his  coach  all  full  of  blood  —  but 
this  is  not  authentic. 

18th.  I  went  this  morning  to  see  M.  de  Eougeville.  1 
found  a  man  slightly  crazy,  full  of  himself,  of  what  he  has 
done,  giving  himself  airs  of  great  importance,  but  thinking 
right  and  in  no  way  a  spy.  Mme.  de  MaiHe*  recognized  him 
the  other  day  from  her  window  as  a  M.  de  Rougeville  who 
spent  his  life  in  the  queen's  antechambers  and  followed  her 
about  everywhere.  Here  in  substance,  is  what  he  told  me 
of  his  last  venture  at  the  Conciergerie :  — 

He  knew  Mme.  de  Tilleul,  an  American,  quite  rich  and 
right  thinking,  and  together  they  formed  a  project  of  saving 
the  queen.  He  made  acquaintance  with  Fontaine,  an  honest 
man  who  sold  wood,  and  through  him  with  Michonis, 
formerly  a  lemonade-seller.  They  were  both  well-disposed. 
Michonis  was  struck  to  the  heart  about  the  queen,  and  re- 
fused  the  money  Eougeville  offered  him,  but  he  gave  it  to 
two  others  in  the  service.  One  [day  he  accompanied  Micho- 
nis into  the  prison ;  the  queen  rose  and  said :  "  Ah  !  is  that 
you,  Monsieur  Michonis  ? "  Then,  seeing  M.  de  Rougeville 
she  was  greatly  overcome,  and  was  on  the  point  of  falling 
into  her  chair,  which  startled  the  gendarmes ;  but  he  made 
her  a  sign  to  reassure  her  and  tell  her  to  take  some  pinks, 
among  which  was  a  note.  She  dared  not ;  and  he  let  them 
drop  without  being  able  to  speak  to  her.  Michonis  left  the 
room  on  business  in  the  prison  and  he  went  too ;  the  queen 
sent  for  Michonis  to  return  and  made  him  attend  to  the 
gendarmes,  during  which  time  she  said  to  Rougeville  that  he 


302  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OE  [chap,  x 

exposed  himself  too  much.  He  told  her  to  take  courage; 
she  would  be  succoured ;  he  would  bring  her  money  to  bribe 
the  gendarmes.  She  said  to  him :  a  Though  I  am  weak  and 
broken-down,  this  (laying  her  hand  on  her  head)  is  not."  She 
asked  him  if  her  trial  would  be  soon ;  he  reassured  her.  She 
said :  *  Look  at  me,  look  at  my  bed,  and  tell  my  relations 
and  friends,  if  you  escape  from  here,  of  the  state  in  which 
you  saw  me."  Then  they  went  away.  They  had  gained  the 
concierge  and  his  wife.  Their  plan  was  that  Michonis 
should  go  at  ten  o'clock  at  night  with  an  order  from  the 
municipality  to  take  her  back  to  the  Temple,  and  then  she 
would  escape.  Thus,  by  signing  the  book  of  the  concierge 
no  harm  would  come  to  him  and  they  were  free  to  go. 
The  two  gendarmes  for  fifty  louis  would  say  nothing  ;  a  third 
opposed  the  plan ;  Michonis  told  him  he  should  have  an 
order  from  the  municipality,  but  he  threatened  to  call  the 
guard.    The  plan  failed  and  Kougeville  escaped. 

Here  are  some  particulars  about  the  queen:  her  room 
was  the  third  door  on  the  right  after  entering,  opposite  to 
that  of  Custine.  It  was  on  the  ground-floor;  the  window 
looked  upon  the  courtyard,  which  was  filled  all  day  with 
prisoners,  some  of  whom  gazed  in  through  the  window  and 
insulted  the  queen.  The  room  was  small,  damp,  and  fetid ; 
there  was  neither  stove  nor  chimney.  There  were  three 
beds :  one  for  the  queen,  one  beside  it  for  the  woman  who 
waited  on  her,  and  a  third  for  the  two  gendarmes,  who  never 
left  the  room,  not  even  when  the  queen  had  wants  or  gave 
herself  natural  cares.  The  queen's  bedstead,  like  that  of  the 
others,  was  of  wood,  a  straw  bed,  a  mattress,  and  a  blanket, 
dirty  and  full  of  holes,  which  had  long  served  other  prisoners. 
There  were  no  curtains,  but  there  was  an  old  screen.  The 
queen  wore  a  black  wrapper ;  her  hair,  cut  short  in  front  and 
behind,  was  gray ;  she  was  so  emaciated  that  it  was  difficult 


1793]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  303 

to  recognize  her,  and  so  weak  that  she  could  scarcely  stand 
on  her  legs.  She  had  three  gold  hoops  on  her  fingers,  but 
no  rings.  The  woman  who  served  her  was  a  sort  of  fish- 
wife, of  whom  she  complained  much.  The  gendarmes  told 
Michonis  that  Madame  ate  nothing,  and  in  that  way  she 
could  not  live;  they  said  her  food  was  very  bad,  and  they 
showed  him  a  thin  and  nearly  spoilt  chicken,  saying :  "  That 
is  a  chicken  Madame  could  not  eat,  and  they  have  brought 
it  to  her  now  for  four  days."  The  gendarmes  complained  of 
their  bed,  though  it  was  precisely  the  same  as  the  queen's. 
The  queen  slept  always  in  her  black  garment,  expecting  to 
be  massacred  at  any  moment,  or  led  to  the  scaffold.  Eouge- 
ville  said  that  Michonis  wept  with  sorrow ;  he  confirmed  to 
him  what  was  told  of  the  queen's  loss  of  blood  and  said  that 
when  it  was  necessary  to  send  to  the  Temple  for  the  queen's 
black  wrapper  and  the  necessary  linen  he  could  not  get  it 
until  after  the  Council  had  deliberated.  Those  are  the  sad 
details  that  Eougeville  gave  me. 


304  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  xi. 


CHAPTEE  XL 

1792.  Correspondence  of  Count  Fersen  with  the  King  of  Sweden  until 
his  Death,  and  with  Queen  Marie-Antoinette  until  the  10th  of  August, 
1792,  when  the  Royal  Family  were  imprisoned  in  the  Tower  of  the 
Temple,  and  all  written  Communication  with  them  ceased.  Brief  State- 
ment of  Count  Fersen's  After-life  and  of  his  Death,  June  20, 1810. 

[Carlyle,  in  his  fine  account  of  the  Flight  to  Varennes, 
remarks  that  from  that  day  Count  Fersen  "  disappears  into 
unknown  space."  "We  have  now  seen  that,  on  the  contrary, 
he  was  in  the  centre  of  European  diplomacy,  the  trusted 
envoy  of  the  one  sovereign  who  was  true  to  the  King  and 
Queen  of  France,  and  himself  in  the  forefront  of  every  effort 
to  save  them  until  the  fatal  day  when  the  axe  put  an  end  to 
the  object  of  his  chivalrous  devotion.  After  the  death  of  the 
King  of  France,  the  Duke-regent  of  Sweden,  in  a  confidential 
and  autograph  letter,  appointed  Count  Fersen  his  ambassador 
to  King  Louis  XVIL,  having  already  made  him,  in  May,  1793, 
a  major-general  in  the  Swedish  army.  But  the  honour  that 
Fersen  longed  for  was  denied  him.  In  the  midst  of  the 
Powers  of  Europe,  all  able  to  do  the  thing  he  had  at  heart, 
he  was  powerless  to  bring  them  to  do  it ;  and  there  is  more 
of  chivalry  in  the  forlorn  hope  he  then  led  than  in  the 
initial  act  of  devotion  for  which  his  name  is  famous. 

The  last  letters  (in  cipher  and  "  white  ink  ")  which  passed 
between  the  queen  and  Count  Fersen  here  follow,  interspersed 
with  some  others  of  interest.  Fersen's  general  correspond- 
ence until  the  date  of  the  queen's  death  is  very  voluminous, 
and  will  be  found  in  the  work  already  mentioned:  "Le 
Comte  de  Fersen  et  la  Cour  de  France;"  it  relates  almost 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  305 

wholly  to  the  many  fruitless  efforts  made  by  a  few  faithful 
men  to  save  the  royal  family  of  France.] 

Count  Fersen  to  Gustavus  III.,  King  of  Sweden.1 

Brussels,  February  29,  1792. 

Sire,  —  Baron  Taube  must  already  have  had  the  honour  to 
lay  before  Y.  M.  the  details  of  my  journey ;  it  would  there- 
fore be  useless  to  repeat  them  here. 

I  carried  to  the  king  and  queen  the  despatches  of  Y.  M. 
which  related  to  my  mission.  I  found  them  greatly  touched 
by  the  interest  that  you  take,  Sire,  in  their  fate ;  they  have 
charged  me  to  express  to  Y.  M.  the  liveliest  gratitude,  and  to 
say  how  dear  and  precious  the  memory  of  it  will  always  be 
to  them.  They  fully  feel  the  impulsion  that  their  escape 
would  give  to  affairs  by  facilitating  the  good-will  of  their 
friends,  and  also  the  advantages  it  would  have  for  them- 
selves ;  but  however  useful  it  would  be,  Their  Majesties  are 
too  convinced  that  success  is  impossible  at  this  moment  to  be 
willing  to  attempt  it.  .  .  .  The  queen,  especially,  feels  deeply 
all  the  advantages,  and  assures  me  that  the  bad  results  of 
their  first  attempt  does  not  prevent  them  from  making  a 
second ;  but  Their  Majesties,  seeing  for  the  moment  no  possi- 
bility of  success,  have  refused  the  project  absolutely.  They 
have,  however,  consented  to  attempt  it  when  the  forces  of 
the  different  Powers  are  united  on  the  frontier  and  able  to 
serve  them  as  a  point  of  support,  or  as  a  protection  in  case 
of  an  arrest  like  that  of  the  month  of  June.  The  plan  I 
have  proposed  to  them  for  this  purpose  is  to  keep  to  the 
hunting  forests  and  be  guided  through  them  by  smugglers 
towards  the  frontier ;  there  to  be  met  (ten  or  a  dozen  leagues 
from  the  frontier)  by  a  detachment  of  fifty  of  the  light-horse 

1  This  letter  reports  to  the  King  of  Sweden  the  result  of  Count  Fersen's 
mission  to  Paris  in  February,  1792.  —  Tb. 


306  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap,  xl 

cavalry  from  one  of  the  armies  who  could  secure  their  issue, 
while  the  army  itself  would  be  ready  to  advance  to  their 
support,  if  need  were.  Their  Majesties  liked  this  idea,  and 
consented  to  follow  it,  if  they  saw  at  any  moment  that  such 
a  course  offered  great  advantages. 

I  next  presented  to  the  king  the  two  methods  of  proceed- 
ing as  to  the  congress,  which  are  contained  in  the  memorial. 
He  preferred  the  second,  giving  as  a  reason  that  it  offered  him 
the  best  chance  of  himself  joining  the  congress.  I  represented 
to  him,  however,  that  it  might  happen  that  the  rebels  would 
consent  to  the  demands  of  the  Powers  rather  than  have  them 
meddle  with  the  Constitution,  and  then  that  the  good-will  of 
the  friendly  Powers  might  find  itself  shackled  by  the  bad 
faith  of  the  emperor,  who  would  say  that  having  obtained  all, 
there  was  nothing  more  to  ask  for.  On  which  he  replied : 
"  But  that  would  be  the  very  time  to  insist  upon  my  liberty, 
upon  my  freedom  to  leave  Paris,  and  go  to  some  indicated 
spot  to  sign  and  ratify  the  engagements  I  shall  have  made 
with  the  Powers ;  and  if,  as  I  believe,  I  shall  not  obtain  that 
liberty,  then  the  Powers  will  be  free  to  act  in  my  favour." 

Another  point  on  which  I  thought  it  important  to  inform 
myself  was  the  latitude  which  the  king  was  willing  to  give 
to  the  Powers  to  act  so  long  as  he  was  kept  in  Paris  by  the 
rebels,  and  the  degree  of  caution  he  thought  necessary  for 
his  personal  safety  and  that  of  his  family  so  long  as  he 
remained  in  their  hands.  I  thought,  however,  that  I 
ought  to  represent  to  him  the  dangers  to  which  he  might  be 
exposed ;  I  thought  I  ought  to  show  him  the  possibility  that 
he  might  be  taken  into  the  Cevennes  and  placed  by  the 
rebels  at  the  head  of  a  Protestant  army ;  at  the  same  time  I 
told  him  I  considered  these  dangers  lessened  by  the  neces- 
sity to  the  rebels  of  his  preservation  in  order  to  secure  better 
terms ;  and  as  for  the  Cevennes  project,  I  proposed  to  him,  in 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  307 

case  it  were  again  renewed,  to  issue  a  pamphlet  full  of 
demagogy  and  invectives  against  him  and  the  queen,  in  which 
the  Cevennes  project  should  be  treated  as  a  scheme  of  the 
aristocrats  to  get  him  out  of  Paris  and  bring  a  foreign  army 
into  France. 

The  king  was  of  my  opinion  on  all  these  points,  and  he  told 
me  that,  in  case  he  could  not  leave  Paris  by  flight  or  other- 
wise, he  desired  the  Powers  to  take  no  heed  of  his  personal 
danger ;  that  he  saw  his  safety,  as  I  did,  in  the  interest  the 
rebels  had  in  his  preservation;  that  he  should  employ  all 
possible  means  to  prevent  bis  being  taken  out  of  Paris  into 
the  provinces ;  that  democratic  pamphlets  had  already  been 
very  useful  to  him,  and  if  necessary,  he  would  use  the  one  I 
suggested  to  him.  The  king  seemed  to  me  quite  decided  not 
to  hinder  the  Powers  in  any  way  ;  and  the  queen  repeated  to 
me  what  she  had  already  said  to  M.  de  Simolin :  "  Tell  the 
king  there  is  nothing  to  fear  for  us ;  the  nation  needs  the 
king  and  the  life  of  his  son,  which  must  be  saved ;  as  for  me. 
I  fear  nothing.  I  prefer  to  subject  myself  to  all  risks,  rather 
than  live  any  longer  in  the  state  of  humiliation  in  which  I 
am ;  everything  seems  to  me  preferable  to  the  horror  of  our 
position."  The  king  repeated  the  same  thing  from  himself. 
The  queen  then  spoke  to  me  of  one  other  point  to  be  de- 
manded by  the  Powers,  namely,  the  disarming  of  the  consid- 
erable forces  which  France  now  maintains,  which  are  useless 
if  she  has  no  hostile  projects.  This  point,  she  said,  could 
not  be  granted  by  the  Assembly,  even  if  it  wished  to  do  so ; 
it  was  contained  in  the  memorial  which  the  queen  had  sent 
in  the  month  of  September  to  the  emperor ;  but  M.  de  Mercy 
never  mentioned  it  to  us. 

I  then  declared  to  the  king  on  the  part  of  (  Y.  M.  that  your 
intention  and  that  of  the  Empress  of  Kussia  was  not  to  per- 
mit the  establishment  in  France  of  a  mixed  government ;  not 


308  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  XX. 

to  compromise  with  the  rebels,  but  to  re-establish  the 
monarchy  and  the  royal  authority  in  its  plenitude.  The 
queen  seized  that  idea  warmly,  but  the  king,  though  he 
desired  it,  seemed  to  think  it  would  be  difficult  to  carry  out ; 
but  I  had  no  difficulty  in  proving  to  him  that  by  means  of 
foreign  succour  and  with  a  firm  determination  (of  which  he 
had  assured  me)  not  to  compromise  with  the  rebels,  nothing 
could  be  easier.  He  ended  by  being  convinced,  and  assuring 
me  again  that  his  intention  was  not  to  compromise  with 
the  rebels,  "  for  some,"  he  said,  "  cannot  do  right,  and  others 
will  not  do  it."  But  he  begged  me,  at  the  same  time, 
to  represent  to  Y.  M.  the  necessity  under  which  his  position 
puts  him  to  treat  with  the  rebels  at  this  moment,  to  make 
use  of  them,  and  to  do  all  they  want,  however  repugnant  it 
may  be  to  him.  I  assured  the  king  that  Y.  M.  felt  the 
necessity  of  such  conduct  and  approved  it,  but  only  as  a 
means  to  gain  time  and  lull  their  minds.  The  king  also 
requested  that  Y.  M.  be  not  surprised  at  any  steps  he  might 
be  forced  to  take,  and  to  see  in  them  only  the  effect  of  his 
misfortune  and  the  constraint  that  he  is  under.  All  that 
he  said  as  to  that,  and  as  to  the  total  abandonment  in  which 
he  was,  deprived  of  counsel  and  separated  from  those  on 
whose  attachment  he  could  count  and  who  might  be  useful 
to  him,  touched  me  to  tears.  He  was  good  enough  to  say  in 
return  very  touching  and  very  flattering  things  for  me.  The 
queen  spoke  to  me  with  tender  sensibility  of  the  friendship 
and  interest  that  Y.  M.  and  the  empress  showed  for  them, 
comparing  it  with  the  conduct  of  the  emperor  —  not  to  his 
advantage ;  and  she  also  compared  their  experience  of 
ingratitude  from  those  of  their  interior  who  owed  them 
everything  with  the  affection  of  those  who  owed  them 
nothing.  The  king  charged  me  to  tell  Y.  M.  that  he  sanc- 
tioned the  decree  on  the  sequestration  of  the  property  of  the 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  309 

Smigres  solely  to  prevent  its  being  pillaged  and  burned, — 
which  would  surely  have  been  done  had  he  refused ;  but  he 
is  determined  not  to  consent  to  the  seizure  and  sale  of  those 
estates  as  national  property. 

To  sum  up  all,  I  found  the  king  and  queen  very  deter- 
mined to  endure  everything  rather  than  continue  in  the 
state  in  which  they  are ;  and  from  the  conversations  I  had 
with  them  I  think  I  can  assure  you,  Sire,  that  they  strongly 
feel  that  all  compromise  with  the  rebels  is  useless  and  im- 
possible, and  that  there  is  no  means  of  restoring  their  author- 
ity but  force  and  foreign  assistance. 

The  queen  has  just  written  to  the  Queen  of  Naples,  and 
the  Queen  of  Portugal ;  the  latter  is  said  to  be  disposed  to 
furnish  money. 

Queen  Marie-Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen. 

March  20,  1792. 

M.  de  Laporte  has  received  no  newspapers  for  a  month 
past.  I  fear  you  have  written  to  me  in  that  way,  all  the 
more  as  I  saw  in  a  letter  to  M.  Crawford  that  you  referred 
him  to  me  for  details.  We  cannot  use  newspapers  any 
longer ;  there  is  reason  to  think  they  stop  them. 

The  despatch  from  Vienna  makes  much  noise :  as  for  me, 
I  do  not  understand  it.  I  fear  there  is  more  ill-will ;  it  is 
clear  that  he  wants  to  gain  time  in  order  to  do  nothing. 
M.  Gog  [uelat]  will  send  you  papers  about  all  that.     Adieu. 

Count  Fersen  to  Queen  Marie-Antoinette. 

Brussels,  March  4, 1792. 
I  send  you  a  note  which  Baron  de  Breteuil  has  given  me 
for  you.     He  is  in  pressing  need  of  money,  and  I  hope  you 
will  find  his  demand  just.  ...  It  is  very  just ;  he  is  with- 
out resources  and  liable  to  lose  all  he  has  in  Saint-Domingo. 


310  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  xi. 

It  would  be  well  to  send  him  one  hundred  and  fifty  thou- 
sand francs  for  the  current  expenses,  and  thirty  thousand  for 
his  own  expenses ;  this  would  be  for  six  months.  If  you 
like  to  remit  this  money  to  P6rigord,  as  if  for  me,  telling 
him  to  send  it  to  me,  do  so,  but  in  that  case  you  must  send 
at  once,  as  the  whole  sum  is  wanted  in  full.  Or,  if  you 
choose,  I  will  see  if  you  can  borrow  it  in  Holland,  where  it 
will  cost  you  five  per  cent,  instead  of  six  or  seven.  As  for 
the  sum  I  hold  for  you  there,  I  will  send  you  an  account  of 
it  in  a  few  days ;  it  is,  however,  insufficient  for  the  above 
expense,  and  it  is  best  to  keep  it ;  it  may  be  good  to  have  it 
in  reserve  some  day.  See  if  you  can  find  any  one  in  Paris 
to  procure  you  a  loan  of  two  hundred  thousand  francs,  in 
Holland  or  elsewhere,  but  out  of  the  kingdom ;  if  so,  take  it ; 
you  will  gain  much  [by  exchange] ;  then  you  can  remit  it 
to  me  here  to  the  care  of  the  bankers,  Danoot,  Son  &  Co. 
I  shall  pay  it  to  the  baron  on  your  order  only. 

M.  de  Mercy  has  complained  to  the  baron  of  the  discon- 
tent you  show  as  to  the  emperor's  conduct ;  he  suspects  me 
of  being  the  cause,  and  let  it  be  understood  that  he  had 
proof  of  it.  I  think  this  is  only  a  suspicion,  for  all  my  letters 
have  reached  you ;  and  if  he  had  developed  the  writing  he 
would  not  have  sent  them  to  you.  It  is  also  quite  im- 
possible that  he  could  decipher  my  letters  to  the  King  of 
Sweden ;  but  the  baron  warned  me  that  I  was  much  sus- 
pected and  very  inconvenient  to  them,  and  that  often  M.  de 
Mercy  requested  him  not  to  tell  me  the  things  he  confided  to 
him.  From  that  I  judge  they  will  seek  all  possible  means 
of  injuring  me  with  you,  by  inventing  tales,  though  I  ought 
to  hope  and  believe  that  my  zeal  and  my  devotion  are  too 
well  known  to  you  to  fear  you  would  believe  them.  I  ven- 
ture, however,  to  ask  you  not  to  leave  me  in  ignorance  of 
them,  in  order  that  I  may  refute  them  and  continue  to  de- 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  311 

serve  the  flattering  confidence  with  which  you  have  been  so 
good  as  to  honour  me. 

The  news  from  Prussia  is  still  good ;  M.  C  .  .  .  is  ordered 
to  communicate  it  to  you.  The  King  of  Prussia  wants  to 
put  himself  at  the  head  of  his  army.  M.  de  Mercy  is  en- 
chanted with  the  emperor's  reply ;  he  boasted  to  M.  de 
Breteuil  that  he  was  the  author  of  it. 

Count  Fersen  to  Queen  Marie-Antoinette. 

March  6,  1792. 

I  received  yours  of  2d  yesterday.  The  details  to  which 
I  referred  Mr.  C.  were  in  the  baron's  papers  which  he  sent 
you.  As  we  no  longer  use  the  journals,  none  have  been  sent 
for  two  months ;  but  we  shall  send  them  if  there  is  need ; 
notify  M.  Laporte  to  send  you  all  he  receives. 

The  emperor's  reply  is  political  galimatias,  a  lawyer's  plea 
that  says  nothing ;  that  is  the  only  favourable  way  of  look- 
ing at  it.  It  cannot  be  reconciled  with  what  he  proposed  to 
Berlin,  —  unless  by  supposing  that  he  reserves  to  himself,  in 
case  he  is  forced  to  act,  to  make  a  subtle  distinction  in  his 
conduct  as  head  of  the  House  of  Austria  and  as  head  of  the 
Empire  ;  in  that  case,  it  is  plain  that  he  only  wants  to  gain 
time  to  save)  himself  from  invasion  and  put  himself  in 
the  right.  But  if  this  is  more  bad  faith,  which  is  prob- 
able, his  answer  serves  him  marvellously  well  As  for 
me,  I  believe  neither  the  one  nor  the  other;  I  think  he 
always  wants  to  avoid  acting,  but  fears  to  be  forced  into 
it  by  the  other  Powers,  and  that  he  consented  to  Prussia's 
proposal  to  raise  their  forces  to  fifty  thousand  men  each, 
solely  in  the  hope  of  excluding  thereby  the  Northern  Courts, 
by  representing  the  Prussian  and  Austrian  forces  as  more 
than  sufficient ;  and  if  he  does  not  succeed  in  that  way,  then 
he  will  still  be  so  superior  that  they  will  find  themselves 


312  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE    OF         [chap.  xi. 

compelled  to  follow  the  course  he  points  out.  In  this  way- 
he  expects  to  create  in  France  a  government  which  will 
make  that  kingdom  dependent  upon  him,  take  from  it  its 
strength,  and  prevent  it  from  ever  again  obtaining  in  Europe 
the  weight  it  once  had. 

But  he  does  not  see  that  with  the  influence  of  the  Empress 
of  Eussia,  the  good-will  of  the  King  of  Prussia,  and  the  am- 
bition of  the  Duke  of  Brunswick,  his  game  can  be  foiled ;  it 
is  then  that  the  princes  could  be  useful  to  you ;  for  the 
friendly  powers  would  have  the  air  of  yielding  to  their  en- 
treaties, which  would  secretly  emanate  from  you.  The  es- 
sential thing  is  to  agree  to  bring  the  troops  of  the  different 
Powers  to  the  frontiers  of  France  ;  and  I  have  written  to 
the  King  of  Sweden,  and  to  Eussia  and  Spain,  that  I  believe 
everything  ought  to  be  sacrificed  to  obtain  that  agreement ; 
and  that  while  the  troops  are  marching  there  there  will  be 
time  enough  to  discuss  the  point  of  representing  the  non- 
liberty  of  the  king,  and  the  question  of  where  the  congress 
shall  be  held,  —  an  assemblage  which  may  then  seem  less 
important,  and  possibly  useless.     J 

It  is  from  this  way  of  looking  at  the  emperor's  projects 
that  I  have  advised  the  baron  not  to  be  in  a  hurry,  and  to 
specify  in  the  promise  to  reimburse  costs  (which  M.  de 
Mercy  has  asked  for)  that  it  will  be  done  only  after  the 
king  is  re-established  in  the  plenitude  of  his  authority  such 
as  it  was  before  the  revolution. 

You  must  warn  Gog.  that  every  time  there  is  beyond  the 
cipher  a  number  and  a  dash  (for  example,  49  — )  that  means 
there  is  cipher  up  to  the  next  full  stop  [.] ;  the  rest  means 
nothing  or  will  be  in  white  ink.  If  there  is  49,  that  is,  the 
dash  below  the  number,  the  letter  is  for  him.  If  after  the 
number  there  comes  plain  writing,  then  he  will  find  white  ink 
between  the  lines.     He  must  be  warned  of  all  this.     When 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  313 

you  write  to  me,  it  will  be  better  to  do  it  in  white  ink  be- 
tween the  lines  of  a  cipher  that  means  nothing;  for  they 
might  get  the  true  cipher  here.  You  must  number  each 
letter  carefully,  that  we  may  be  sure  none  are  lost.  I  am 
certain  they  are  not  opened  in  Paris;  they  have  not  the 
machine  montee  for  that. 

Count  Fersen  to  Queen  Marie-Antoinette. 
No.  3.  March  9,  1792. 

We  heard  last  night  of  the  death  of  the  emperor.  This 
news  gives  pleasure  to  some  and  pain  to  others,  who  fear  the 
delay  it  will  cause  in  our  affairs.  As  for  me,  I  regard  it 
more  as  an  advantage  for  you.  The  emperor  is  dead,  but  the 
archduke  of  Austria  is  not;  his  power  and  his  interest  are 
the  same  as  ever.  .  .  .  The  inclinations  of  the  Archduke 
Francis  have  always  been  favourable,  and  I  know  that  he  has 
often  blamed  the  feeble,  slow,  and  undecided  conduct  of  his 
father.  He  is  a  soldier  in  heart ;  more  like  Joseph  than  like 
Leopold.  This  event  will  certainly  increase  the  influence  of 
the  King  of  Prussia,  whom  the  Court  of  Vienna  has  strong 
interest  in  pleasing  in  order  to  keep  the  imperial  dignity,  — 
a  circumstance  which  ought  to  be  very  favourable  to  you.  I 
think  that  a  letter  from  you  and  from  the  king  to  the  Arch- 
duke Francis  would  be  very  useful  at  this  moment;  the 
attention  would  flatter  him  and  warm  his  zeal  for  you. 
After  sharing  his  grief  at  the  loss  he  has  met  with  in  a 
father,  and  you  in  a  brother,  you  might  tell  him  that  you 
have  not  been  left  in  ignorance  of  the  feeling  and  interest 
he  has  shown  in  your  fate,  and  that  you  hope,  from  those 
sentiments  in  him,  that  he  will  put  more  activity  into  the 
prospects  his  father  held  out  to  you ;  and  for  that  reason  you 
do  not  hesitate  to  give  him  the  same  confidence  and  to 
repeat  the  request  for  the  sending  of  a  strong  body  of  troops 


314  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  xi. 

to  the  frontier  and  the  formation  of  a  Congress  at  Aix-la- 
Chapelle  or  Cologne.  You  could  tell  him  that  you  have 
been  assured  of  the  good  disposition  of  the  King  of  Prussia, 
and  that  you  have  long  had  unequivocal  proofs  of  the  inter- 
est of  the  Courts  of  Petersburg,  Stockholm,  and  Madrid. 
You  could  end  by  making  him  feel  that  your  position  re- 
quires you  to  employ  the  greatest  secrecy,  and  especially 
towards  the  princes,  on  account  of  the  indiscretion  of  persons 
who  surround  them,  and  by  asking  for  his  good-will  to 
the  Baron  de  Breteuil,  who  has  all  your  confidence.  The 
letter  cannot  be  written  too  soon.  Send  it  by  diligence, 
simply  to  my  address,  in  a  box  which  will  contain  cloth  for 
a  coat,  some  waistcoats,  and  new  cravats  —  to  make  the  thing 
look  natural  and  avoid  all  suspicion. 

I  have  not  yet  received  the  papers  from  Gog.,  the  papers 
you  mention,  nor  the  letter  for  the  Queen  of  Portugal ;  that 
is  necessary,  however.  Do  not  forget  the  matter  of  the 
money.  The  better  to  avoid  suspicion,  it  would  be  well  to 
write  at  the  same  time  a  simple  letter  of  compliments  to  the 
archduke,  and  send  it  by  M.  de  Lessart,  to  which  you  might 
add  something  in  the  style  of  those  gentry ;  reminding  him 
in  a  few  words  of  what  you  have  already  written  to  his 
father,  and  how  much  you  hope  he  may  follow  his  steps  and 
be  as  desirous  to  maintain  peace  between  the  two  countries. 
But  you  must  manage  that  the  two  letters  arrive  at  the  same 
time,  so  that  the  archduke  may  not  be  uncertain  as  to  your 
real  meaning.  You  could  inform  M.  de  Mercy  as  to  this,  so 
that  he  may  write  to  Vienna  in  consequence.  In  a  conver- 
sation he  had  with  the  baron  he  spoke  very  well,  and  said  : 
"We  want  no  more  declarations;  the  emperor  has  at  last 
changed  his  system ; "  then  rising  excitedly,  and  laying  his 
hand  on  his  sword  he  said:  "  This  is  what  is  wanted;  the 
emperor  is  decided,  and  before  long  we  shall  have  it."    I 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  315 

would  like  to  have  witnessed  such  vivacity  in  M.  de  Mercy ; 
it  must  have  been  a  very  extraordinary  contrast  to  his  usual 

self. 

Baron  Taube  to  Count  Fersen. 

Stockholm,  March  15,  1792. 

The  king  orders  me  to  direct  you  to  make  known  to  the 
King  and  Queen  of  France  that  in  a  private  audience  which 
the  new  minister  of  Prussia  to  this  Court  had  with  the  king, 
H.  M.  asked  him  what  his  master  thought  of  the  present 
state  of  France.  The  minister  replied:  "The  Queen  of 
France  is  the  sister  of  the  emperor ;  my  master  fears  that  if 
power  is  recovered  by  the  King  of  France  the  queen  will 
favour  her  brother  too  much."  "  But,"  said  the  king,  "  if 
France  is  eclipsed  in  the  political  balance  of  Europe,  Eng- 
land will  lay  down  the  law  to  all  the  Powers."  The  Prussian 
minister  assured  him  that  if  his  master  were  satisfied  that 
the  queen  would  not  give  all  her  influence  for  the  emperor 
he  would  at  once  sign  a  league  with  the  other  sovereigns  to 
replace  the  King  of  France  upon  the  throne.  The  king  told 
him  he  was  certain  that  the  Queen  of  France,  taught  by  these 
unhappy  events,  would  employ  her  influence  and  authority 
solely  in  [word  of  cipher  illegible]  or  for  those  who  recov- 
ered for  her  husband  and  son  the  crown  of  France  now 
usurped  by  the  Assembly. 

The  King  of  Sweden  wishes  the  Queen  of  France  to  know 
of  this  conversation,  that  she  may  understand  the  fears  of 
Prussia,  and  take  whatever  measures  she  considers  useful  at 
the  present  conjuncture. 

Queen  Marie-Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen. 

March  30, 1792. 

I  have  your  letter  of  27th.    This  is  a  very  safe  way  ;  you 

can  always  write  to  me  under  this  address,  or  that  of  M. 
Ver.  8  21  Mem. 


316  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  (chap.  xi. 

Broune ;  but  you  must  put  an  n  on  your  letters ;  and  the  first 
time  put  n=,  to  be  more  sure. 

Ask  Mme.  Sullivan  about  the  way  she  told  Jarjayes  I 
could  receive  ...  in  a  box  of  biscuits.  I  must  know  the 
name  of  the  woman  to  whom  it  is  addressed.  But  take  care ; 
Mr.  C  .  .  .  knows  nothing  of  this ;  he  did  not  even  wish  her 
to  see  Jarjayes  the  last  time. 

What  is  the  meaning  of  this  new  letter  from  Vienna  in 
reply  to  the  one  by  M.  de  Lessart  ?  It  seems  to  me  as  bad 
as  the  other.  Every  one  here  thinks  it  superb  and  excellent 
policy.  It  is  certain  that  it  will  decide  us  to  attack.  They 
are  awaiting  only  an  answer  to  M.  Dumouriez's  letter.  I 
have  sent  word  of  this  to  M.  de  Mercy.  The  plan  is  to 
attack  by  Savoie,  and  the  country  round  Liege ;  they  hope 
that  as  there  are  not  many  troops  on  that  side  they  can  do 
something.  Turin  was  warned  by  me  three  weeks  ago.  It 
is  essential  to  take  precautions  around  Liege.  They  are 
sending  to  Deux-Ponts  a  M.  Naiac,  who  lives  in  Vienna 
with  Cardinal  de  Rohan ;  M.  Chauvelin  goes  as  minister  to 
London. 

I  am  much  harassed  now  about  finding  a  governor  for  my 
son.  We  have  at  last  decided  upon  M.  de  Fleurian,  but  we  do 
not  yet  know  the  moment  when  we  shall  make  it  known. 

Mr.  Crawford  will  talk  to  you  of  a  way  to  write  to  me 
without  cipher  in  Italian.  Do  not  forget  to  send  me  the  list 
of  names.  Our  position  continues  dreadful,  but  less  danger- 
ous since  it  is  we  who  attack  Austria.  The  ministers  have 
just  sanctioned  the  decree  on  passports. 

Queen  Marie- Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen. 
No.  4.  April  15, 1792. 

M.  de  Maulde  starts  for  Vienna  to-day ;  it  seems  to  be  the 
last  mission  to  the  king  [of  Hungary]  ;  they  are  absolutely 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  317 

determined  on  war  here.  So  much  the  better  if  that  decides 
the  Powers,  for  our  position  is  no  longer  endurable.  I  have 
received  yours  of  the  9th ;  there  was  no  number,  but  I  call 
it  2.  I  am  uneasy  about  the  return  of  M.  Gog.  I  am  afraid 
he  is  watched,  he  must  take  great  precautions.  Adieu.  I 
cannot  write  more ;  I  must  give  my  letter. 

Count  Fersen  to  Queen  Marie-Antoinette. 

April  17,  1792. 

You  must  already  have  heard  the  crushing  news  of  the 
death  of  the  King  of  Sweden.  You  lose  in  him  a  firm  sup- 
port, a  good  ally,  and  I  a  protector  and  friend.  The  loss  is 
a  cruel  one. 

The  account  that  M.  Simolin  gave  the  baron  of  his  nego- 
tiation in  Vienna  promises  nothing  more  active  from  that 
Court  than  in  the  past.  The  same  system  is  to  be  followed ; 
and  now  that  the  King  of  Sweden  is  dead  no  one  can  be  sure 
what  course  the  Empress  of  Kussia  will  take.  In  this  un- 
certainty the  surest  means  is  to  try  to  make  France  attack ; 
a  hostile  step  on  your  part  is  the  only  thing  that  will  decide 
the  Powers.  Still,  if  it  could  be  delayed  a  month  it  would  be 
better.  I  will  explain  all  this  in  detail  in  the  box  of 
biscuits. 

I  have  spoken  to  Mme.  Sullivan.  The  name  of  the 
the  woman  is  Mme.  Toscani ;  she  is  safe ;  and  if  you  send  her 
a  box  containing  pieces  of  cloth  or  other  things,  as  you  did 
for  Mr.  Crawford,  she  will  pass  it  on.  Mme.  Sullivan  has 
said  nothing  about  it  to  Mr.  Crawford ;  he  is  so  timid  and 
cautious  he  would  hesitate,  and  nothing  would  be  done. 
That  is  why  he  did  not  wish  her  to  see  General  Jarjayes ; 
for  otherwise  he  has  no  secrets  from  her,  but  tells  her  alL 


318  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  xi 

Count  Fersen  to  Baron  Taube. 

Brussels,  April  18,  1792. 

Since  your  crushing  letter  of  the  29th  I  have  heard 
nothing  from  you,  my  friend ;  the  German  post  has  doubtless 
been  delayed  by  the  bad  roads.  I  cannot  comfort  myself  for 
the  dreadful  loss  we  have  met  with.  Every  day  my  sor- 
row is  renewed  —  the  memory  of  kindness  !  that  memory 
will  never  leave  me ;  my  gratitude  can  end  only  with  my 
life.  My  God !  shall  I  never  again  offer  him  my  homage  ! 
You  will  feel  the  pleasure  it  would  be  to  me  to  have  his 
portrait,  if  I  could. 

The  news  we  receive  from  Vienna  is  not  good ;  there  will 
be  no  more  activity  than  under  the  late  emperor ;  Simolin 
could  do  nothing.  This  disposition,  and  the  present  uncer- 
tainty about  the  empress,  have  led  me  to  advise  Their  Maj- 
esties to  incite  the  rebels  to  attack.  Since  the  death  of  our 
king  that  is  the  only  resource  left  to  them  by  which  to  de- 
cide the  Powers. 

I  have  determined,  my  friend,  not  to  return  to  Sweden  at 
this  moment.  As  I  alone  hold  the  thread  of  affairs,  and  all 
those  of  Their  Majesties  pass  through  me,  I  could  not  absent 
myself  without  their  interests  suffering,  or,  at  any  rate  being 
wholly  interrupted.  If  there  is  any  such  idea  about  me  try 
to  set  it  aside.  .  .  . 

Count  Fersen  to  Queen  Marie-Antoinette. 
No.  4  April  19,  1792. 

I  received  No.  4  yesterday.  No.  3  is  missing.  M.  Gog. 
arrived  this  morning.  He  brings  good  news,  though  nothing 
certain  until  we  receive  something  more  positive  from  Ber- 
lin. It  seems  they  have  at  last  determined  to  march.  Baron 
Thugut  told  Breteuil  under  the  deepest  secrecy.     I  will  send 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  319 

you  the  details  Saturday  in  a  box  of  biscuits.     M.   Gog. 
starts  to-morrow ;  he  goes  through  France. 

Queen  Marie-Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen. 
No.  6.  April  19,  1792. 

What  follows  is  in  the  same  cipher,  but  you  can  have  it 
deciphered  by  another.  Baron  B.  must  tell  M.  de  Mercy 
from  me  that  I  dare  not  write  to  him  directly,  or  by  a 
secretary,  because  I  am  horribly  watched  just  now.  Perhaps 
I  shall  never  be  able  to  write  to  you  again.  I  will  still  try 
to  find  a  way  [two  lines  missing'].  .  .  .  The  king  desires  that 
the  King  of  England  be  secretly  informed  that  the  letter  M. 
Chauvelin  bears,  though  written  by  his  own  hand  is  at  least 
not  his  own  style.  Adieu ;  I  will  write  to  you  in  two  days 
on  the  cover  of  the  "  Moniteur." 

The  ministers  and  the  Jacobins  will  to-morrow  make  the 
king  declare  war  against  the  house  of  Austria  under  pretext 
that  by  its  treaties  of  last  year  it  broke  that  of  the  alliance 
of  1756  [Treaty  of  Versailles  1  ],  and  also  that  it  has  not 
replied  categorically  to  the  last  despatch.  The  ministers 
hope  that  this  step  will  create  fear,  and  that  negotiations 
will  begin  in  three  weeks.  God  grant  it  may  not  be  so,  and 
that  vengeance  may  come  at  last  for  all  the  outrages  en- 
dured in  this  country  !  In  what  will  be  said  in  the  declara- 
tion there  is  much  complaint  of  the  proceedings  of  Prussia, 
but  no  attack  upon  her. 

Count  Fersen  to  Queen  Marie-Antoinette. 

Brussels,  April  24,  1792. 

I  send  you  a  despatch  from  Berlin  which  is  important.  It 
will  give  you  an  idea  of  what  is  taking  place.     In  support  of 

1  See  history  of  this  treaty  in  the  "  Memoirs  of  Cardinal  de  Bernis  "  in 
the  present  Historical  Series  of  translations-  —  Tk. 


320  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  xi. 

this  despatch  comes  the  news  that  Baron  Thugut  told  the 
baron  that  the  King  of  Hungary  [Archduke  Francis]  said  he 
was  weary  of  all  that  was  happening  in  France  and  Was  de- 
termined to  put  an  end  to  it  and  act ;  that  he  meant  to 
march  his  troops  in  concert  with  the  King  of  Prussia ;  that 
if  the  French  attacked  they  must  be  kept  amused  for  six 
weeks  or  two  months  till  the  armies  could  arrive;  that 
whether  they  attacked  or  not,  he  was  determined  to  attack 
them ;  and  they  must  then  be  amused  with  appearances  of 
peace  until  the  moment  when  he  was  able  to  act.  I  do  not 
know  for  what  reason  M.  de  Mercy  does  not  agree  to  this 
letter ;  he  has  not  spoken  of  it. 

I  received  yesterday  the  news  of  the  declaration  of  war  by 
France,  and  I  am  very  glad  of  it.  It  is  the  best  and  only 
thing  that  will  decide  the  Powers.  The  Empress  of  Eussia 
has  declared  to  Vienna  her  intention  of  taking  an  active  part 
in  the  affairs  of  France ;  she  says  she  wishes  the  restoration 
of  the  monarchy  such  as  it  was  before  the  revolution.  It 
was  M.  de  Mercy  who  told  me  this. 

The  news  from  Spain  is  not  good  ;  she  will  not  act  until  the 
Kings  of  Hungary  [the  emperor]  and  Prussia  have  taken  a 
course.  The  most  useful  thing  she  could  do,  and  it  agrees 
fairly  well  with  her  plans,  would  be  to  station  a  cordon  of 
twenty  thousand  troops  along  the  frontier,  and  furnish  arms 
and  ammunition  to  the  Catholics  and  discontented  persons 
in  the  southern  provinces.  This  has  already  been  asked  and 
it  ought  to  be  insisted  on. 

I  have  as  yet  no  news  as  to  what  concerns  myself  person- 
ally ;  I  do  not  know  if  I  shall  be  continued  here  or  not. 
My  father  urges  me  to  return  to  Sweden  and  abandon  every- 
thing. That  is  what  I  will  never  do,  even  if  reduced  to 
penury.  I  have  enough  property  here  to  support  me  for 
some  time  by  selling  it.     But  if  my  father  induces  the  Duke- 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  321 

Eegent  to  have  the  same  will  as  himself,  I  may  find  myself 
embarrassed  by  the  deprivation  of  my  little  revenue.  As  I 
am  dependent  on  them  for  that,  they  may  hope  in  that  way 
to  hold  me ;  and  even  if  the  duke  does  not  lend  himself  to  it, 
I  am  afraid  my  father  may  try  that  method ;  but  I  am  deter- 
mined that  nothing  in  the  world  shall  induce  me  to  aban- 
don all  at  this  moment.1 

Count  Fersen  to  Queen  Marie-Antoinette. 
No.  8.  June  2, 1792. 

Prussia  goes  right ;  she  is  the  only  one  on  whom  you  can 
rely.  Vienna  keeps  to  the  project  of  dismembering  France 
and  of  negotiating  with  the  constitutionals.  Spain  is  bad. 
I  hope  that  England  will  be  otherwise.  The  empress  sacri- 
fices your  interests  for  Poland.  Our  regent  is  certainly  for 
you,  but  he  can  do  nothing,  or  little.  He  means  to  send 
away  the  envoy  they  have  sent  to  him,  and  that  is  why 
he  has  recalled  his  charge  d'affaires  from  Paris.  He  has 
urged  the  empress  to  do  the  same.2  Try  to  continue  the  war, 
and  do  not  now  leave  Paris.  Have  you  sent  me  the  blank 
signatures  ?  —  and  to  what  address  ?  Mme.  Toscani  [M. 
Crawford's  housekeeper]  will  bring  you  my  letters. 

The  first  Prussian  column  will  arrive  July  9th.  The 
whole  army  will  be  there  by  August  9th.  It  will  act  on  the 
Moselle  and  Meuse,  the  emigres  on  the  Philippesburg  side, 
the  Austrians  on  Brisgau.  The  Duke  of  Brunswick  comes 
to  Coblentz  July  5.  He  will  advance  from  there,  mask  the 
forts,  and  then  with  thirty-six  thousand  chosen  troops,  march 
straight  to  Paris.     The  empress  sends  fifteen  thousand  men 

1  See  Appendix. 

2  The  Duke-Regent  of  Sweden  continued  Count  Fersen  in  the  same  con- 
fidential post  in  Brussels  that  he  had  held  under  Gustavus  III.  But  the 
Regent's  intentions  and  sympathies  were  against  the  course  of  the  latter, 
and  he  refused  to  co-operate  with  Russia  in  sending  troops  to  France.  — Tb. 


322  DIARY  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF         [chap,  xi 

of  whom  three  thousand  are  cavalry.  They  will  disembark 
at  Wismar  and  march  through  Germany.  June  22d  she 
sent  thirty  thousand  men  to  Poland. 1 

The  Vicomte  de  Caraman  has  returned  within  a  week 
from  Berlin.  He  brings  the  positive  assurance  of  the  King 
of  Prussia  that  he  will  listen  to  no  negotiation  or  compro- 
mise ;  that  he  insists  on  the  king  being  set  free  and  making 
what  Constitution  he  chooses.  He  wishes  the  king  to  know 
this,  also  that  this  resolution  on  his  part  cannot  change,  and 
the  king  can  rely  upon  it.  He  furnishes  the  money  for  the 
troops  he  sends. 

Queen  Marie-Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen.  2 

June  5,  1792. 

[Plain  writing."]  I  have  received  your  letter  No.  7,  and  I 
immediately  withdrew  your  funds  from  the  Boscaris  com- 
pany. There  was  no  time  to  lose !  the  bankruptcy  was  de- 
clared yesterday  and  this  morning  the  whole  thing  is  public 
at  the  Bourse. 

[In  white  ink.]  Orders  are  given  for  Luckner's  army  to  at- 
tack immediately ;  he  opposes  this,  but  the  ministry  insist. 
The  troops  lack  everything,  and  are  in  the  greatest  disorder. 

[Plain  writing.]  You  will  send  me  word  what  I  am  to  do 
with  these  funds.  If  I  am  master  of  them  I  can  invest  ad- 
vantageously in  the  purchase  of  some  fine  domains  of  the 
clergy ;  that  is,  no  matter  what  may  be  said,  the  best  way  of 
placing  money.  You  can  answer  by  the  same  channel  by 
which  I  now  write. 

1  This  letter  is  evidently  of  two  dates,  although  it  is  printed  as  one  let- 
ter in  the  French  volume.  — Tb. 

3  Here  begins  a  series  of  letters  from  the  queen  to  Fersen,  whom  she  ad- 
dresses as  M.  Rignon.  They  are  partly  in  plain  writing  on  the  fictitious 
affairs  of  the  supposed  M.  Rignon,  with  passages  in  cipher  or  in  white 
ink  interpersed.  The  plain  writing  is  not  in  the  queen's  hand,  but  prob- 
ably in  that  of  Goguelat.  —  Tb. 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  323 

Your  friends  are  fairly  well.  The  loss  they  have  met 
with  is  a  great  trouble  to  them.  I  do  my  best  to  comfort 
them,  but  they  think  the  restoration  of  their  fortune  im- 
possible. Give  them,  if  you  can,  some  consolation  about 
this ;  they  need  it ;  their  situation  becomes  daily  more  dread- 
ful. Adieu ;  accept  their  compliments  and  the  assurance  of 
my  entire  devotion. 

Queen  Marie-Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen. 

June  7, 1792. 

[In  white  ink.]  The  constitutionals  have  sent  a  man  to 
Vienna ;  he  will  pass  through  Brussels.  Warn  M.  de  Mercy 
to  treat  him  as  if  he  had  been  announced  and  recommended 
by  me,  and  negotiate  with  him  on  the  lines  of  the  memorial 
I  sent  him.  We  desire  that  he  shall  write  to  Vienna  and 
announce  his  coming ;  recommend  that  they  keep  his  journey 
secret,  and  that  they  hold  to  the  plan  made  by  the  Courts  of 
Vienna  and  Berlin,  but  say  it  is  necessary  to  seem  to  enter 
into  the  views  of  the  constitutionals,  and,  above  all,  let  him 
think  they  do  this  in  accordance  with  the  wishes  and  re- 
quests of  the  queen ;  these  measures  are  necessary. 

It  is  not  the  Abb6  Louis  who  goes;  I  do  not  know 
the  name  of  the  man  who  takes  his  place.  Tell  M.  de 
Mercy  that  we  cannot  write  to  him,  being  too  closely 
watched. 

[Plain  writing.']  Here  is  the  situation  of  your  affairs 
with  Boscaris  and  Choi,  of  whose  failure  I  told  you  in  my 
last  letter.  I  am  expecting  news  from  La  Eochelle  to  let 
you  know  how  you  stand  with  Daniel  Gareche*  and  Jacques 
Guibert.  All  I  know  is  that  their  failure  is  not  consid- 
erable. You  would  do  better,  as  I  have  already  told  you,  to 
buy  the  property  of  the  clergy  rather  than  trust  your  money 
to  bankers.     If  you  choose  I  will  employ  in  that  way  the 


324  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE   OF         [chap.  to. 

funds  I  receive  for  you  next  month.    I  have  received  your 
7th  and  8th. 

Count  Fersen  to  Queen  Marie-Antoinette. 
No.  9.  June  11, 1792. 

The  King  of  Prussia  wishes  you  to  know  that  the  Chevalier 
de  Boufflers  returns  to  Paris.  He  asked  for  orders,  but  as 
the  king  has  a  bad  opinion  of  him  he  told  him  nothing,  and 
the  Chevalier  knows  nothing  of  his  real  intentions;  there- 
fore you  are  to  put  no  faith  in  anything  he  may  tell  you,  the 
king  having  changed  in  nothing.  I  think  you  would  do  well 
not  to  see  Boufflers  at  all. 

My  God !  how  your  situation  distresses  me ;  my  soul  is 
keenly  and  sorrowfully  affected.  Try  to  stay  in  Paris,  where 
they  must  come  to  your  succour;  the  King  of  Prussia  is 
decided  about  it ;  you  can  count  on  that. 

The  empress  has  asked  Sweden  for  6000  men ;  but  money 
is  needed  for  them.  You  have  not  told  me  whether  you 
have  sent  the  blank  signatures,  by  whom  and  how. 

The  Sieur  Bergstedt,  charge  d'affaires  of  Sweden  in  Paris, 
to  Count  Fersen.  Report  of  what  took  place  at  the  Tuile- 
ries,  June  20, 1792. 

At  four  o'clock  the  Tuileries  were  invested  by  about  50,000 
pikes ;  the  cries  were  :  "  Down  wjth  Monsieur  Veto,  Ma- 
dame Veto,  and  all  their  tribe!"  etc.,  etc.  The  National 
Guard  seemed  determined  to  keep  and  defend  the  gates ;  no 
commander  directed  them.  The  royal  gate  was  almost  un- 
guarded ;  three  municipal  officers  required  the  twelve  grena- 
diers who  remained  there  to  open  it.  The  pikes  then  entered 
in  floods.  The  king  saw  this  influx,  which  was  accompanied 
with  horrible  outcries.     He  ordered  the  door  of  his  apart- 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  325 

ments  to  be  closed ;  they  opened  those  of  the  two  first  rooms ; 
the  third,  that  of  the  Swiss  was  defended.  It  was  then 
that  axes  were  employed.  At  the  noise  made  by  the  break- 
ing in  of  that  door  the  king  called  for  his  hat,  and  entered 
the  hall,  ordering  firmly  that  all  doors  be  opened,  saying  that 
he  wished  to  show  himself  to  the  people  and  speak  to  them. 
As  he  said  the  words,  the  door,  already  battered,  was  driven 
in  and  a  flood  of  pikes  entered.  A  few  faithful  and  coura- 
geous grenadiers  pushed  the  king  into  the  embrasure  of  the 
third  window,  telling  him  to  trust  to  them  and  have  no  fear. 
"  Fear ! "  said  the  king,  "  put  your  hand  on  my  heart  and  feel 
if  it  beats  more  than  usual."  As  he  said  those  remarkable 
words,  a  man  with  a  pike,  presenting  the  point  of  his  weapon 
called  out,  "Where  is  he,  that  I  may  kill  him!" — 
"Wretch!"  said  an  usher  of  the  apartment,  "there  he  is, 
your  king ;  do  you  dare  to  look  at  him  ? "  The  pikes  and  the 
flood  of  men  about  him  recoiled,  seized  with  a  sort  of  terror. 
There  was  a  moment's  silence.  The  king  tried  to  profit  by 
it  and  speak ;  but  another  inundation  of  pikes  arrived  with 
such  horrible  cries  that  Jove's  thunder  itself  could  not  have 
been  heard.  Nothing  was  heard  but  insults,  curses,  re- 
proaches, threats.  In  the  midst  of  this  infernal  scene 
Madame  Elisabeth  came  to  throw  herself  into  the  arms  of 
the  king ;  she  was  fortunately  caught  by  the  grenadiers,  who 
were  still  guarding  that  one  closed  door;  they  pushed  her 
behind  them  into  the  embrasure  of  the  fourth  window. 
There  she  remained  three  hours ;  the  king  the  same  time  in 
his.  The  crowd  flung  a  bonnet  rouge  to  each  of  them  and  at 
the  earnest  entreaty  of  the  grenadiers  the  king  put  his  upon 
his  head. 

When  the  attack  began  the  queen  was  with  the  dauphin 
in  his  apartment.  At  the  first  outcries  she  wished  to  go  to 
the  king ;  but  already  the  intervening  room  was  seized.     She 


326  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  XX. 

cried  out,  "  I  wish  to  die  at  the  king's  feet ! "  They  disobeyed 
her,  and  took  her  in  spite  of  herself  to  the  Council  chamber 
where  they  made  a  rampart  of  the  Council  table,  and  a  Mon- 
sieur Blegny  went  to  call  the  grenadiers,  who  were  still 
guarding  a  door  now  useless,  inasmuch  as  the  people  were  in 
all  the  rooms.  Two  hundred  grenadiers  followed  him  up  a 
little  staircase ;  they  surrounded  the  table  behind  which  were 
the  queen  and  dauphin ;  and  certainly  it  was  providential  that 
they  took  and  occupied  that  position,  for  they  were  still 
moving  to  it  when  the  apartment  of  the  dauphin  was  seized 
through  a  door  which  the  leader  of  the  pikes  seemed  to  know 
better  than  others,  for  very  few  of  the  servants  of  the  house- 
hold knew  of  it.  Two  troops  of  pikes  entered  the  council 
chamber  at  the  same  moment  by  opposite  doors.  M.  San- 
terre,  speaking  in  some  sort  in  their  name,  harangued  the 
queen.  The  queen,  with  supernatural  courage,  replied  with 
an  accent  and  majesty  worthy  of  Maria  Theresa.  It  was 
noticed  that  as  she  spoke  the  pikes  drew  back.  Communi- 
cation was  then  re-established  between  the  room  where  the 
king  was  and  that  of  the  queen ;  by  this  manoeuvre  the  pikes 
returned  to  the  staircase,  and  some  went  down  instead  of 
re-entering.  They  succeeded  by  help  of  the  grenadiers  in 
bringing  the  king  to  where  the  queen  was.  The  people 
cooled  down,  became  pitying,  some  wept.  The  mayor,  Pdtion, 
harangued  them,  congratulated  them  on  their  "brave  con- 
duct," and  then  dismissed  them. 

Never  was  courage  greater,  grander,  more  dignified  than 
that  of  the  king,  the  queen,  and  Madame  Elisabeth.  The 
queen  several  times  heard  the  people  calling  for  her  head, 
but  her  countenance  never  changed. 

This  date  recalls  a  like  event  and  foretells  another  —  the 
scene,  the  actors,  the  means  all  changed. 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  327 

Count  Fersen  to  Queen  Marie- Antoinette. 
No.  10.  June  23,  1792. 

The  sending  of  Gog.  to  Vienna  was  known  at  Coblentz  on 
the  day  he  arrived  here,  and  the  same  day  an  express  was 
sent  from  there  to  Petersburg  to  notify  the  empress.  Bom- 
belles  writes  it  from  there.  There  is  certainly  some  one  in 
your  interior  who  writes  everything  to  the  princes. 

If  Aranda  [Spanish  prime-minister]  wants  to  have  a  direct 
correspondence  with  you,  avoid  it ;  he  is  false  and  wants  to 
negotiate,  and  then  you  are  lost.  Our  regent  thinks  rightly ; 
he  sends  me  letters  of  notification  for  you,  with  orders  to 
send  them  to  you  without  passing  through  your  ministers, 
with  whom  we  hold  no  communication.  I  fear  that  Spain, 
England,  and  the  emperor  [Francis  II.]  want  to  negotiate ; 
we  shall  ward  it  off  if  possible.  The  emperor  has  the  project 
of  dismemberment,  and  if  he  does  not  obtain  it  from  you,  he 
will  treat  with  the  constitutionals  and  obtain  it  from  them  ; 
you  will  then  lose  your  authority  without  preventing  the 
dismemberment.  You  must  decide,  if  this  becomes  inevi- 
table. What  is  your  will  in  the  matter  ?  —  There  is  perhaps 
one  means  of  preventing  it,  namely :  to  give  the  King  of 
Prussia  a  pledge  in  writing  of  reimbursement.  He  desires 
it,  but  he  wants  the  king's  signature.  I  still  have  one  blank 
signature  left,  which  I  have  not  mentioned  to  the  baron. 
Do  you  wish  me  to  make  use  of  it  if  it  would  be  useful  to 
us  to  secure  the  opposition  of  the  King  of  Prussia  to  all  dis- 
memberment ?  Have  you  sent  me  other  blank  signatures, 
and  how  ?  It  would  be  well  if  I  had  three  more.  Buy  two 
pretty  bonnets  at  the  "  charlotte  de  deuil ; "  send  them  to 
Mme.  Toscani,  and  tell  her  to  sew  tjie  three  papers  to  their 
foundations  under  the  lining ;  and  tell  her  to  send  them  to 
M.  Sullivan ;  she  knows  how.     The  signature  can  be  written 


328  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  an. 

in  black,  or  if  necessary  in  white  ink.  In  that  case  make  a 
pencil  mark  where  the  name  is.  You  could  even  (in  both 
cases)  have  the  shop  bill  written  on  one  page  of  the  sheet, 
for  we  only  need  the  other  page.  Be  sure  that  I  shall  use 
the  signatures  only  if  necessary  and  useful. 

I  have  given  your  message  to  M.  de  Mercy;  he  under- 
stood it  very  well,  and  he  has  written  to  Vienna  in  conse- 
quence. In  the  affair  where  Gouvion  was  killed,  Lafayette 
lost  four  hundred  men,  the  peasants  say ;  the  Austrians  one 
hundred  and  fourteen  killed  and  wounded.  I  have  warned 
Eussia  and  Berlin  of  the  sending  of  the  Constitution,  lest 
they  be  tempted  to  make  bad  use  of  it. 

Queen  Marie-Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen. 

June  23, 1792. 

[  White  ink.']  Dumouriez  starts  to-morrow  for  Luckner's 
army  ;  he  promises  to  incite  Brabant  to  insurrection.  Saint- 
Huruge  starts  also  for  the  same  purpose. 

[Plain  writing.']  Here  is  the  statement  of  sums  I  have 
have  paid  for  you.  I  will  send  you  that  of  your  receipts  as 
soon  as  I  have  made  it  out. 

I  think  I  have  received  all  your  letters.  The  last  two  are 
8  and  9.  The  9th  was  dated  June  11th.  I  did  not  keep  the 
date  of  the  other. 

Your  friend  is  in  the  greatest  danger.  His  illness  makes 
frightful  progress.  The  doctors  can  do  nothing.  If  you 
want  to  see  him  you  must  hasten.  Inform  his  relations  of 
his  unfortunate  state.  I  have  finished  your  affairs  with  him, 
and  I  have  no  further  anxiety  on  that  point  I  will  give 
you  news  of  him  assiduously. 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FEBSEN.  329 

Queen  Marie- Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen. 

June  26,  1792. 

[Plain  writing."]  I  have  received  your  No.  10  and  hasten 
to  acknowledge  it.  You  will  receive  shortly  all  details  relat- 
ing to  the  purchase  of  the  property  of  the  clergy  which  I 
have  made  for  you.  I  confine  myself  to-day  to  putting  your 
mind  at  ease  about  the  investment  of  your  assignats  ;  I  have 
but  few  left,  and  in  a  few  days  I  hope  they  will  be  as  well 
invested  as  the  others. 

I  am  sorry  not  to  be  able  to  reassure  you  about  your 
friend.  For  three  days  however,  the  disease  has  made  no 
progress;  nevertheless,  the  symptoms  continue  alarming. 
He  needs  a  crisis  to  bring  him  out  of  his  present  condition, 
and  there  is  no  appearance  of  that ;  this  makes  us  despair. 
Inform  all  persons  who  have  dealings  with  him  of  his  situa- 
tion, in  order  that  they  may  take  their  precautions;  time 
presses.  I  shall  keep  you  informed  of  the  better  or  the  worse 
of  his  state.  Send  punctually  to  the  post.  Adieu.  Keceive 
the  friendship  and  compliments  of  all  who  interest  you. 

Count  Fersen  to  Queen  Marie-Antoinette. 
No.  12.  June  30,  1792. 

I  received  yesterday  your  letter  of  the  23d.  There  is 
nothing  to  fear  as  long  as  Austria  is  not  defeated.  A  hun- 
dred thousand  Dumouriez  could  not  incite  this  country 
[Austrian  Low  Countries]  to  rebellion,  although  it  is  well 
inclined  to  it. 

Your  position  makes  me  ceaselessly  anxious.  Your  cour- 
age will  be  admired,  and  the  firm  conduct  of  the  king  will 
have  an  excellent  effect.  I  have  already  sent  the  account 
of  the  king's  conversation  with  Petion  everywhere ;  and  I  am 
going  to  send  it  to  the  "  Gazette  Universelle  ; "  it  is  worthy 


330  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE   OF        [chap.  xi. 

of  Louis  XIV.  The  same  tone  should  be  continued,  and 
above  all  try  not  to  be  made  to  leave  Paris.  That  is  an 
essential  point.  There  it  will  be  easy  to  reach  you,  and 
that  is  the  object  of  the  Duke  of  Brunswick.  He  will  pre- 
cede his  entry  with  a  very  strong  manifesto  in  the  name  of 
the  Allied  Powers,  which  will  render  all  France  and  espe- 
cially Paris  responsible  for  the  persons  of  the  royal  family. 
He  will  then  march  straight  to  Paris,  leaving  the  combined 
armies  on  the  frontier  to  mask  the  forts  and  prevent  the 
troops  that  are  in  them  from  acting  elsewhere  and  opposing 
his  operations.  The  empress  is  marching  thirteen  thousand 
men,  and  our  regent  consents  to  give  her  the  eight  thousand 
she  asked  for.  They  are  ready,  and  will  march  as  soon  as 
we  can  get  the  money. 

The  Duke  of  Brunswick  arrives  at  Coblentz  on  the  3d  of 
July;  the  Prussian  division  on  the  8th.  Seven  thousand 
men  are  to  be  detached  at  once  for  this  country,  and  sta- 
tioned at  Luxembourg.  Those  who  are  here  have  committed 
a  folly  in  not  attacking  Luckner  on  his  arrival.  At  present 
he  is  too  well  posted  and  intrenched ;  there  is  every  appear- 
ance that  they  will  leave  him  there,  until  the  other  troops 
arrive.  They  have  committed  another  folly  in  letting  sixty 
chefs  be  taken  before  Maubeuge. 

One  M.  Viette  has  passed  through  here;  he  told  the 
Vicomte  de  Caraman  that  he  was  sent  by  you  to  Coblentz  on 
a  mission-  He  showed  him  a  letter  addressed  to  General 
Schmidt,  written,  he  said,  with  white  ink  between  the  lines. 
He  has  no  doubt  made  the  same  confidence  to  other  persons. 

I  wrote  you  on  the  25th,  No.  11,  through  Gog.,  and  No.  10 
through  Mme.  Toscani.  Answer  me  about  the  blank  signa- 
tures and  the  dismemberment.  You  ought  to  make  Gog.  write 
to  me  every  Sunday  and  Wednesday  to  give  me  details  of 
all  that  happens.     When  he  writes :  "  They  say,  but  I  do 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  331 

not  believe  it"  I  shall  know  that  the  thing  is  certain. 
All  letters  written  by  this  means  arrive. 

Queen  Marie- Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen. 

July  3, 1792. 

[In  cipher. ,]  I  have  received  yours  of  the  25th,  No.  11.  I  am 
much  touched  by  it.  Our  position  is  dreadful,  but  do  not  be 
too  anxious.  I  feel  courage ;  I  have  in  me  something  that 
tells  me  we  shall  soon  be  saved  and  happy.  That  one  idea 
sustains  me.  The  man  I  send  is  for  M.  de  Mercy.  I  have 
written  him  very  strongly  to  decide  to  speak.  Act  in  a  way 
to  awe  here :  time  presses  ;  there  is  no  way  to  wait  any  longer. 
I  will  send  the  blank  signatures  in  the  way  you  requested. 

Adieu ;  when  shall  we  see  each  other  again  in  peace  ? 

Queen  Marie-Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen. 

July  6, 1792. 

[Jw.  cipher."]  They  brought  me  your  last  letter,  written  in 
white,  after  they  had  brought  out  the  writing.  This  is  the 
second  time  this  has  happened.  We  must  take  other  meas- 
ures to  prevent  this  trickery.  You  will  see  the  importance 
of  this  warning. 

A  terrible  catastrophe  is  expected  on  the  14th  in  all 
corners  of  Paris,  especially  at  the  Jacobins.  They  preach 
regicide ;  sinister  plans  are  being  laid ;  but,  being  known, 
they  may,  perhaps,  be  foiled.  The  Jacobins  from  all  the 
provinces  are  arriving  here  in  crowds ;  there  is  not  a  day 
that  I  am  not  warned  to  be  upon  my  guard,  —  sometimes  by 
an  officious  person,  sometimes  by  an  intriguer.  I  am  not 
left  a  moment  of  tranquillity. 

I  have  the  three  blank  signatures ;  but  I  do  not  know  how 
to  send  them,  as  the  public  coaches  run  no  longer.  Point 
out  to  me  some  other  way. 

Ver.  8  22  Mem. 


332  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF        [chap.  xi. 

Do  not  be  too  anxious  on  my  account.  Believe  that 
courage  always  awes.  The  course  we  have  just  taken  will 
give  us,  I  hope,  the  time  to  wait ;  but  six  weeks  are  very 
long.  I  dare  not  write  more.  Adieu.  Hasten,  if  you  can, 
the  succour  promised  for  our  deliverance. 

[ In  white  ink.']  I  exist  still,  but  it  is  a  miracle.  The  day 
of  June  20th  was  dreadful.  It  is  no  longer  I  whom  they 
chiefly  want  to  destroy ;  they  now  want  the  life  of  my  hus- 
band, and  make  no  secret  of  it.  He  showed  a  firmness  and 
strength  which  awed  them  for  an  instant,  but  the  danger 
may  return  at  any  moment.  Adieu ;  save  yourself  for  us ; 
and  do  not  be  too  anxious  about  us. 

Queen  Marie- Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen. 

July  7, 1792. 

[Plain  writing.]  I  sent  you,  some  days  ago,  a  statement 
of  your  current  debts.  Herewith  is  a  supplement  which  I 
received  this  morning  from  your  London  bankers. 

[In  white  ink.]  The  different  parties  in  the  National  As- 
sembly united  to-day.  This  union  cannot  be  sincere  on  the 
part  of  the  Jacobins ;  they  are  dissimulating  to  hide  some 
project.  We  suppose  one  of  their  projects  to  be  to  make  the 
king  demand  a  suspension  of  arms  and  force  him  to  nego- 
tiate a  peace.  You  must  give  warning  that  all  official  action 
of  that  nature  is  not  by  the  will  of  the  king ;  and  if  he  is 
forced  by  circumstances  to  manifest  his  will  he  will  do  so 
through  the  organ  of  M.  de  Breteuil.  M.  Crawford  will  re- 
ceive before  long  the  three  blank  signatures :  warn  him,  so 
that  he  may  open  the  package  carefully.  They  are  all  writ- 
ten in  white  ink. 

[Plain  writing.]  I  think  you  can  do  nothing  better  than 
invest  here.  Tranquillity  is  being  restored,  and  all  parties 
are  uniting  at  this  moment  to  carry  out  the  Constitution. 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  333 

Give  me  carte  blanche  and  I  am  sure  you  can  make  good 
purchases  and  double  your  funds  in  two  years.  I  have  just 
bought  the  house  we  looked  at  together,  rue  de  l'Universite' ; 
it  will  cost  me,  all  things  included,  157,000  francs.  Adieu, 
my  family  are  all  well,  and  send  their  compliments ;  they 
desire  ardently  to  see  you  again. 

Count  Fersen  to  Queen  Marie-Antoinette. 

Brussels,  July  10, 1792. 

M.  Lasserez  and  M.  Leonard  have  arrived  and  brought  me 
your  letters.  I  have  no  need  to  tell  you  that  they  give  me 
great  pleasure.  Your  courage  is  admirable,  and  the  firmness 
of  your  husband  has  had  a  great  effect.  Both  must  be  pre- 
served to  resist  all  efforts  to  make  you  leave  Paris.  It  is 
very  important  that  you  remain  there.  Nevertheless,  I  am 
of  M.  de  Mercy's  opinion  as  to  the  one  case  in  which  you 
ought  to  leave  it ;  but  you  must  take  care  before  you  attempt 
it  to  be  very  sure  of  the  courage  and  fidelity  of  those  who 
contrive  your  escape ;  for  if  it  fails  you  are  lost  beyond 
redemption,  and  I  cannot  think  of  it  without  a  shudder. 

They  are  hastening  the  operations  as  much  as  possible ; 
in  the  first  days  of  August  the  advance  will  begin.  But  to 
speak  strongly  at  this  moment  without  being  ready  to  act  at 
the  moment  of  speaking  would  be  a  measure  that  would  fail 
in  its  effect.  It  would  not  awe,  and  might  expose  you  still 
further. 

From  what  you  say  about  the  sending  of  the  blank  signa- 
tures, I  infer  that  you  approved  what  I  wrote  to  you  ;  conse- 
quently, under  circumstances  more  or  less  urgent,  I  shall 
make  use  (while  awaiting  the  others)  of  the  one  I  still  have. 

The  conduct  of  Spain  is  shameful  and  blamed  by  all 
Europe.  England  does  well.  Our  regent,  in  consequence 
of  the  de  Stael  intrigues,  will  not  put  himself  forward.     I 


334  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         [chap.  xi. 

try  to  foil  Stael  all  I  can ;  he  sees  much  of  M.  de  Verminac 
We  shall  take  care  that  the  manifesto  be  the  best  possible ; 
we  are  now  busy  with  it.  It  makes  the  city  of  Paris  respon- 
sible for  the  safety  of  the  king  and  his  family. 

The  horrible  scene  of  June  20th  has  revolted  all  Europe 
and  cost  the  revolution  many  of  its  partisans.  Luckner  and 
Lafayette  seem  to  be  abandoning  this  frontier  and  moving 
into  the  Bishoprics.  If  the  Austrians  had  shown  a  little 
more  activity  they  could  have  carried  off  the  Due  d'Orleans, 
and  defeated  Luckner's  army  at  Courtrai.  The  princes  are 
to  have  an  assembly  of  parliaments  and  peers  at  Manheim ; 
a  folly :  we  shall  try  to  prevent  it.  It  is  M.  de  Luxembourg 
who  instigates  all  that. 

Queen  Marie-Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen. 

July  11,  1792. 

[Plain  writing.]  I  feel,  my  dear  Eignon,  what  interest  you 
have,  relatively  to  your  financial  operations,  in  being  au 
courant  of  passing  events;  so  I  shall  do  what  depends  on 
me  to  leave  you  nothing  to  desire  in  that  respect.  Neverthe- 
less, I  ought  to  inform  you  that,  my  connections  being  of 
little  extent  and  the  circle  in  which  I  live  being  very  narrow, 
I  shall  be  but  a  poor  resource.  But  if  I  can  be  to  you  of 
little  real  utility,  at  least  I  can  prove  to  you  my  zeal  and 
good-will. 

You  have  no  doubt  heard  of  the  coming  together  of  the 
different  parties  in  the  Assembly,  of  the  step  taken  by  the 
king  to  the  Assembly,  of  the  suspension  of  Potion  and 
Manuel  by  the  department,  of  a  few  slight  movements  of 
the  people  to  reinstate  the  mayor  in  his  functions,  and  the 
wishes  of  part  of  the  Assembly  as  to  that.  That  is  the 
matter  which  chiefly  occupies  the  Parisians  to-day.  It  is 
said  that  Potion  will  be  reinstated,  because  there  is  a  flaw  in 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  335 

the  form  of  the  suspension,  so  that  the  king  will  not  confirm 
it.  Others  say  that  the  king,  alarmed  at  the  power  of  the 
mayor,  disgusted  with  his  pride,  and  convinced  of  his  bad 
intentions,  will  confirm  the  sentence  of  the  department,  but 
I  do  not  believe  it.  The  peace  that  Lamorette  brought  back 
into  the  National  Assembly  only  lasted  a  moment.  Brissot 
made  a  speech  tending  to  inquire  into  the  conduct  of  the 
king  since  the  beginning  of  the  revolution  and  proposing  to 
suspend  him ;  tending  also  to  declare  the  nation  in  danger, 
and  the  ministers  responsible  in  a  body ;  declaring  also  that 
they  had  not  the  confidence  of  the  nation,  and  proposing  a 
decree  of  accusation  against  Chambon,  etc.  This  incident 
set  every  one  to  quarrelling  again.  The  result  was  that  the 
six  ministers  were  summoned,  and  required  to  render  an 
account  within  twenty-four  hours  of  the  state  of  the  interior 
of  France,  of  the  frontiers,  and  of  the  army.  They  found 
fault  with  them  so  harshly  for  four  hours,  and  the  ministers 
felt  so  overweighted  by  the  responsibility  put  upon  them, 
that  they  all  resigned  yesterday  morning;  and  to-day  the 
king  has  no  ministers.  The  cowardice  of  the  latter  is  gener- 
ally blamed ;  they  had  nothing  to  fear  by  following  the  line 
of  the  Constitution. 

People  are  uneasy  at  the  approach  of  the  anniversary  ot 
the  Federation.  It  is  feared  that  that  religious  and  patriotic 
fgte  may  be  the  pretext  of  an  attack  upon  the  Tuileries.  The 
ceremonial  is  not  yet  arranged.  The  royal  family  are  to  be 
present  at  it.  The  number  of  Federals  who  will  attend, 
especially  from  the  Southern  provinces,  is  much  smaller  than 
was  expected.  Some  are  stopped  by  fear  of  being  sent  to 
fight  on  the  frontier;  others  by  work  on  the  land.  The 
greater  number  are  from  the  neighbourhood;  it  is  thought 
that  all  will  pass  off  tranquilly. 

The  Due  d'Orleans  has  quitted  the  army  in  Flanders ;  he 


336  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  xi. 

is  now  at  Kince;  he  is  held  in  such  contempt  among  the 
troops  that  he  was  obliged  to  depart.  I  will  render  you  in  a 
few  days  a  summary  of  the  business  I  have  done  for  you 
since  the  first  of  the  month. 

[In  white  ink.]  The  constitutionals,  united  under  Lafay- 
ette and  Luckner,  want  to  carry  the  king  off  to  Compiegne 
the  day  after  the  Federation ;  for  this  purpose  the  two  gen- 
erals are  here.  The  king  is  disposed  to  lend  himself 
to  this  purpose;  the  queen  opposes  it.  It  is  not  known 
what  will  be  the  upshot  of  this  great  enterprise,  which  I  am 
very  far  from  approving.  Luckner  takes  the  army  of  the 
Rhine,  Lafayette  that  of  Flanders ;  Biron  and  Dumouriez  go 
to  that  of  the  centre. 

[Plain  writing.]  Your  banker  in  London  is  not  very 
punctual  in  remitting  to  me  your  funds.  I  wish  you  would 
write  him  a  few  words  about  it.  Adieu,  my  dear  Eignon; 
I  embrace  you  with  all  my  heart. 

Queen  Marie-Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen. 

July  15, 1792. 

[Plain  writing.]  Evil-minded  people  cause  much  anxiety 
as  to  the  event  of  the  Federation.  They  announced  the 
arrival  of  a  multitude  of  brigands  and  a  criminal  enterprise 
on  their  part.  Perhaps  you  are  agitated  by  the  same  fears ; 
so  I  hasten  to  reassure  you  as  to  the  fate  of  all  in  whom  you 
are  interested  here.  M.  Pdtion  is  recalled  to  his  functions 
by  the  National  Assembly  and  the  will  of  the  people.  He 
has  the  public  confidence  which  makes  us  hope  that  if  any- 
one, by  his  personal  influence  can  secure  peace  and  success- 
fully oppose  the  schemes  of  factious  persons  it  is  this 
magistrate,  father  of  the  people ;  it  is  thus  that  he  is  called 
by  true  patriots. 

General  Luckner  arrived  here  on  the  night  of  the  13th. 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  337 

He  will  appear  to-morrow  before  the  National  Assembly. 
They  say  he  has  come  to  ask  for  an  increase  of  50,000  men 
to  his  army. 

Paris  is  still  in  great  agitation ;  they  expect  a  great  event 
which  each  party  wants  to  turn  to  its  own  advantage ;  but  I 
cannot  explain  myself  further.  A  single  day  destroys  calcu- 
lations and  changes  circumstances.  To  keep  you  informed 
of  events  I  ought  to  write  to  you  twice  a  day. 

We  have  here  five  or  six  thousand  Federals,  nearly  all 
issuing  from  the  club  of  the  Jacobins.  Some  mean  to  stay 
here ;  others  go  to  the  camp  at  Soissons.  We  are  expecting 
daily  the  armies  of  Marseille  and  Bordeaux.  The  three 
regiments  of  the  line  which  were  guarding  Paris  are  to  start 
for  the  frontier,  by  virtue  of  a  decree  of  the  Assembly,  in  two 
or  three  days.  There  is  much  talk  of  sending  away  the 
Swiss  Guard. 

That,  my  dear  Eignon,  is  about  how  things  now  are.  I 
will  write  you  to-morrow  about  your  private  affairs ;  to-day 
I  have  not  the  leisure.     Adieu,  I  am  wholly  yours. 

Send  me  word  if  you  have  received  the  gloves  I  sent  you. 

Count  Fersen  to  Queen  Marie-Antoinette. 
No.  13.  Bbussels,  July  18,  1792. 

I  have  received  all  your  letters  and  the  three  blank 
signatures ;  but  the  name  comes  out  so  feebly  that  I  am  not 
sure  if  I  can  make  any  use  of  them.  If  you  could  find  a 
safe  means  to  send  me  others  written  in  a  stronger  ink  it 
would  be  well. 

The  princes  have  sent  a  memorial  to  all  the  Powers,  in 
which  they  state  that  the  king,  by  agreement  with  the  con- 
stitutionals and  deceived  by  them,  is  about  to  negotiate  for  a 
truce,  etc,  and  begging  them  to  pay  no  attention  to  it.  They 
have  sent  this  memorial  to  the  baron  asking  his  reply  to  it. 


338  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  xi. 

He  was  indignant  and  denied  positively  that  such  a  thing 
had  been  done.  He  at  once  wrote  to  Count  Schulemburg 
and  the  Duke  of  Brunswick  that  the  princes  were  in  error ; 
and  I  have  written  it  everywhere  myself.  M.  de  Calonne, 
to  make  it  supposed  that  the  baron  was  in  agreement  with 
such  conduct,  said :  "  You  will  see  that  the  baron  will  not 
answer  you."  He  advises  many  follies  to  the  princes. 
M.  de  Lambert  does  well  and  tries  to  prevent  them,  and  the 
Duke  of  Brunswick  holds  them  back,  but  all  this  gives  much 
trouble.  .  .  . 

They  are  working  at  the  manifesto.  I  have  written  one 
which  I  gave  to  M.  de  Limon,  and  he  has  given  it  to  M.  de 
Mercy,  without  his  knowing  that  it  is  mine.  It  is  very 
good,  and  such  as  they  ought  to  desire.  Nothing  is  promised 
to  any  one,  no  party  is  affronted,  we  are  pledged  to  nothing, 
and  Paris  is  made  responsible  for  the  king  and  family.  They 
say  that  operations  will  begin  on  the  15th  of  August.  Send 
me  six  copies  of  the  "  Cri  de  la  douleur."  I  want  to  send 
them  everywhere. 

Queen  Marie- Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen. 

July  21, 1791. 

[Plain  writing.]  I  send  you  to-day  two  pamphlets,  two  to 
Mme.  Sullivan,  and  two  to  Mr.  Crawford.  I  am  very  glad 
that  you  were  pleased  with  the  gloves  I  sent  you. 

All  the  members  of  the  department  of  Paris  have  sent  in 
their  resignations.  A  great  number  of  the  deputies  of  the 
right  will  do  the  same.  M.  Mathieu  Montmorin  has  given 
his  and  gone  to  England.  To-morrow  they  will  definitely 
settle  the  fate  of  M.  de  Lafayette ;  it  is  generally  thought  he 
will  be  decreed  accused. 

The  king,  the  queen,  and  Madame  Elisabeth  never  appear 
in  the  garden  without  being  insulted,  in  spite  of  the  precau- 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  339 

tion8  taken  to  allow  none  but  federals  and  persons  who  have 
tickets  of  service  to  enter  the  garden.  The  latter  blame  the 
federals,  but  it  is  more  likely  that  the  matter  is  an  abuse  of 
the  cards  rather  than  an  abuse  of  their  liberty  by  the  federals. 
In  addition,  the  rumour  goes  —  but  I  warn  you  I  do  not 
believe  a  word  of  what  I  am  going  to  tell  you  —  that  the 
Jacobins  have  more  than  ever  a  scheme  to  leave  Paris  with 
the  king  and  go  to  the  Southern  provinces.  For  this  pur- 
pose, it  is  said,  they  are  bringing  from  the  provinces  numer- 
ous detachments  of  the  National  Guard  drawn  from  all  the 
jacobinikres ;  eight  hundred  are  to  arrive  to-morrow  from 
Marseille.  They  say  that  in  eight  days  this  assemblage  will 
be  strong  enough  to  execute  that  project.  Others  say  that 
the  Jacobins  of  the  Assembly  are  awaiting  the  manifesto  of 
the  foreign  Powers  to  take  a  course.  It  is  expected  this 
week  ;  it  is  not  known  why  it  is  delayed.  If  you  know  any- 
thing about  its  principal  articles  I  wish  you  would  let  me 
know.  On  my  side,  I  will  keep  you  informed,  as  best  I  can, 
of  what  is  going  on  here.  Send  me  word  if  you  have  re- 
ceived all  my  letters. 

All  in  whom  you  are  interested  here  are  well  I  gave 
them  news  of  you  last  evening ;  they  heard  them  with  pleas- 
ure and  charged  me  to  tell  you  so  and  urge  you  to  write  as 
often  as  you  can.  Adieu,  my  dear  Eignon ;  I  embrace  you 
very  tenderly. 

Queen  Marie-Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen. 

July  24, 1792. 
[In  cipher."]  In  the  course  of  this  week  the  Assembly  will 
decree  its  removal  to  Blois  and  the  suspension  of  the  king. 
Every  day  produces  a  new  scene ;  but  always  tending  to  the 
destruction  of  the  king  and  his  family  ;  petitioners  have  said 
at  the  bar  of  the  Assembly  that  if  he  is  not  deposed  they  will 


340  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  [chap.  xi. 

massacre  him,  and  they  have  had  the  honours  of  the  session 
paid  to  them.  Tell  M.  de  Mercy  that  the  lives  of  the  king 
and  queen  are  in  the  greatest  danger ;  that  the  delay  of  a  day 
may  produce  incalculable  evils ;  that  the  manifesto  must  be 
sent  at  once,  that  it  is  awaited  with  extreme  impatience; 
that  necesarily  it  will  rally  many  persons  round  the  king  and 
secure  his  safety ;  otherwise,  no  one  can  answer  for  what  may 
happen ;  the  troop  of  assassins  increases  daily. 

'[Plain  writing.~\  I  have  employed  the  rest  of  your  funds, 
of  which  the  above  is  an  exact  statement,  in  the  purchase  of 
two  houses  nearly  new  with  good  rentals.  .  .  .  These  two 
houses  can  be  let  for  ninety-five  hundred  francs ;  thus  you 
see  that  your  funds  are  not  ill-invested. 

Send  me  word  if  you  have  received  the  four  preceeding 
numbers.  Two  days  ago  a  letter  was  given  to  me  from  you, 
which  I  have  sent  to  its  address.  You  have  probably  re- 
ceived the  six  pamphlets  you  asked  for. 

Count  Fersen  to  Queen  Marie-Antoinette. 
No.  14.  Brussels,  July  26, 1792. 

I  have  received  your  letter  No.  4,  and  one  of  July  7  with- 
out number.  I  have  already  given  warning  that  nothing  is 
to  be  believed  unless  it  comes  through  the  Baron  de  Breteuil. 
You  did  very  right  not  to  let  yourself  be  led  away  by  Lafay- 
ette and  the  constitutionals.  We  have  never  ceased  to 
hurry  the  manifesto  and  the  operations.  The  latter  will 
begin  on  the  2d  or  3d  of  August.  The  manifesto  is  ready, 
and  here  is  what  M.  de  Bouille\  who  has  seen  it,  writes  to  M. 
de  Breteuil:  "They  have  followed  your  principles,  and  I 
venture  to  say  ours,  wholly  in  the  manifesto  and  the  general 
plan,  in  spite  of  the  intrigues  which  I  have  witnessed,  and  at 
which  I  laughed,  feeling  certain,  from  what  I  knew,  that 
they   could    not  prevail."    He  is  at  Mayence,  very  welJ 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  341 

treated  by  the  archduke  and  the  king.  —  We  have  insisted 
that  the  manifesto  shall  be  threatening,  especially  as  regards 
responsibility  for  the  persons  of  the  royal  family,  and  also 
that  there  shall  be  no  question  of  the  government  and  the 
Constitution.  —  Schulemburg  [Prussian  minister]  writes  to 
the  baron  that  the  king  will  listen  to  no  negotiation,  and 
wants  the  liberty  of  the  king.  They  are  printing  a  succinct 
statement  of  the  reasons  that  make  them  go  to  war,  which  I 
send  you ;  it  is  rather  well  done.  —  Here  is  the  baron's  pro- 
ject for  the  ministry :  War,  La  Galissonniere,  who,  he  says, 
has  furnished  him  with  good  ideas ;  Navy,  du  Moustier ;  the 
Seals,  Barentin;  Foreign  Affairs,  Bombelles;  Paris,  La 
Porte ;  and  Finances  to  the  Bishop  of  Pamiers,  to  avoid  sys- 
tems and  have  a  man  of  order  and  firmness,  with  a  finance 
council  of  six  members.  Write  me  as  soon  as  possible  what 
you  think  of  this.  We  have  succeeded  in  excluding  La 
Marck  from  affairs,  and  in  preventing  the  emperor  from  send- 
ing him  to  reside  with  the  Duke  of  Brunswick.  The  King 
of  Prussia  would  not  have  M.  de  Mercy  at  the  conference ; 
he  attributes  to  him  the  slow,  nerveless,  and  double  con- 
duct of  the  Court  of  Vienna.  The  SmigrSs  are  to  be 
divided  into  three  corps  to  act  with  the  armies,  but  they  will 
not  be  the  advance  guard  as  they  had  requested,  and  they 
will  not  be  allowed  to  act  independently.  I  insisted  strongly 
on  that.  The  princes  will  be  with  the  King  of  Prussia,  the 
Prince  de  Conde*  with  Prince  Hohenlohe,  the  Austrian,  and 
M.  d'Egmont  who  commands  the  3d  corps  with  General 
Clerfayt.  Mare'chal  de  Castries  boasts  of  receiving  communi- 
cations direct  from  the  king;  he  has  even  made  the  baron 
believe  it.    He  is  a  poor  head  in  affairs. 


342  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE   OF         [chap,  xl 

Count  Fersen  to  Queen  Marie-Antoinette. 

Brussels,  July  28, 1792. 

I  have  this  moment  received  the  declaration  of  the  Duke  of 
Brunswick  [the  manifesto],  which  is  very  good ;  it  is  the  one 
given  by  M.  de  Limon,  and  it  is  he  who  sends  it  to  me.  To 
avoid  suspicion  I  do  not  send  it  to  you ;  but  Mr.  Crawford 
sends  it  to  the  English  ambassador,  Lord  Kerry,  and  he  will 
certainly  show  it  to  M.  de  Lambesc. 

This  is  the  critical  moment  and  my  soul  trembles  for 
it.  God  preserve  you  all ;  that  is  my  sole  prayer.  If  it  is 
useful  to  hide  yourself  do  not  hesitate,  I  beg  of  you,  to  do 
so ;  it  may  be  necessary,  to  give  time  to  reach  you.  In  that 
case,  there  is  a  cellar  in  the  Louvre,  connected  with  the 
apartment  of  M.  de  Laporte.  I  believe  it  to  be  safe  and 
little  known.     You  could  make  use  of  it. 

To-day  the  Duke  of  Brunswick  puts  his  army  in  motion ; 
it  will  take  him  eight  to  ten  days  to  reach  the  frontier.  It 
is  thought  that  the  Austrians  intend  to  make  an  attempt  on 
Maubeuge. 

Queen  Marie-Antoinette  to  Count  Fersen. 
No.  7.  August  1,  1792. 

\Flain  writing."]  I  have  received  your  No.  14  of  July  26, 
with  the  printed  paper  inclosed.  I  at  once  terminated  the 
matter  of  which  you  wrote,  and  I  now  wait  only  for  the 
necessary  funds  to  fulfil  my  engagements ;  I  think  it  would 
be  best  to  send  the  money  in  specie  as  there  is  much  to  gain 
now  by  exchange  on  assignats. 

I  have  not  yet  leased  your  houses.  The  troubles  in  Paris 
are  driving  away  the  sort  of  people  who  would  hire  them. 
The  murder  of  M.  Despre'menil,  the  arrival  of  great  numbers 
of  suspicious  strangers,  and  fear  of  the  pillage  of  Paris  are  the 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  343 

principal  causes  of  this  exodus.  Those  who  do  not  leave 
France  go  to  Kouen  and  its  environs.  The  event  of  the  30th 
has  increased  the  uneasiness,  irritated  one  half  of  the  Na- 
tional Guard  and  discouraged  the  other.  They  are  expecting 
a  coming  catastrophe;  the  emigration  is  doubling.  Weak 
persons  with  pure  intentions,  those  of  uncertain  courage  and 
integrity  hide  themselves;  the  evil-intentioned  alone  show 
themselves  with  audacity.  A  crisis  is  needed,  to  bring  the 
city  out  of  the  state  of  constriction  in  which  it  is ;  every  one 
desires  it,  every  one  seeks  it  in  the  line  of  his  own  opinions ; 
but  no  one  dares  calculate  the  results,  fearing  they  may  be 
to  the  profit  of  wretches.  Whatever  happens,  the  king  and 
all  honest  men  will  not  allow  any  attack  on  the  Constitution ; 
if  that  is  overthrown  they  will  perish  with  it. 

Your  friends  are  well  and  send  you  many  compliments, 
desiring  ardently  to  see  you  soon. 

P.  S.  The  package  I  sent  to  you  by  diligence  bears  the 
number  141,  and  each  piece  of  stuff  the  following  letters 
[in  cipher'].     White  ink  below. 

[In  white  ink.]  The  king's  life  is  evidently  threatened, 
also  that  of  the  queen.  The  arrival  of  about  six  hundred 
Marseillais,  and  a  quantity  of  other  delegates  from  all  the 
Jacobins  increases  our  anxiety,  which  is,  unhappily,  but  too 
well  founded.  They  are  taking  precautions  of  all  kinds  for 
our  safety,  but  assassins  prowl  round  the  palace  inces- 
santly ;  they  excite  the  people ;  there  is  ill-will  in  one  part 
of  the  National  Guard,  weakness  and  cowardice  in  the 
other.  The  resistance  that  can  be  opposed  to  the  enterprises 
of  those  wretches  is  solely  in  a  few  persons  determined  to 
make  a  rampart  of  their  bodies  for  the  royal  family,  and  in 
the  regiment  of  the  Swiss  Guards.  The  affair  which  took 
place  on  the  30th,  after  a  dinner  in  the  Champs  Elysdes, 
between  one  hundred  and  eighty  grenadiers  of  the  £lite  of 


344  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF         £chap.  it. 

the  National  Guard  and  the  Marseille  Federals,  shows  clearly 
the  cowardice  of  the  National  Guard  and  the  little  reliance 
to  be  placed  on  that  troop,  which,  in  point  of  fact,  imposes 
only  by  its  numbers.  The  one  hundred  and  eighty  grena- 
diers took  to  flight ;  two  or  three  were  killed  and  some 
twenty  wounded.  The  Marseillais  now  police  the  Palais- 
Eoyal  and  the  garden  of  the  Tuileries,  which  the  Assembly 
has  ordered  to  be  thrown  open.  In  the  midst  of  such  dan- 
gers it  is  difficult  to  concern  ourselves  with  the  choice  of 
ministers.  If  we  obtain  one  moment  of  tranquillity,  I  will 
write  you  what  is  thought  of  those  you  propose.  For  the 
moment  we  can  think  only  of  escaping  daggers  and  foiling 
the  conspirators  who  swarm  about  a  throne  so  near  to  disap- 
pearing. For  a  long  time  these  wretches  have  taken  no 
pains  to  conceal  their  purpose  of  destroying  the  royal  family. 
At  their  last  nocturnal  meetings  they  differed  only  as  to  the 
means  to  be  employed.  You  must  have  judged  from  a  pre- 
ceding letter  how  important  it  is  to  gain  even  twenty-four 
hours ;  I  can  only  repeat  it  to-day,  adding  that  if  they  do  not 
come,  nothing  but  Providence  can  save  the  king  and  his 
family. 

[Those  are  the  queen's  last  words  to  the  world.  Before 
they  reached  Fersen  the  10th  of  August  came  and  she  was 
lost  forever  to  the  sight  of  men.  The  story  of  Count  Fer- 
sen's  subsequent  efforts  for  her,  in  fact  of  all  his  hopes 
and  efforts  for  her,  is  one  of  cruel,  unspeakable  disappoint- 
ment :  the  failure  of  Varennes ;  the  cold  indifference  of 
the  emperor  to  his  sister's  fate ;  the  dull  diplomacy  of  the 
Courts,  each  waiting  on  the  others  for  the  purpose  of 
doing  nothing ;  the  refusal  of  Louis  XVI.  to  leave  Paris  in 
February,  1791 ;  the  death  of  the  one  true  man,  Gustavus  III. ; 
the  dastardly  conduct  of  the  Duke  of  Brunswick ;  the  deser- 


1792]  COUNT  AXEL  FERSEN.  345 

tion  of  Dumouriez  by  his  army,  —  the  failure  of  all  these 
great  efforts  and  many  lesser  ones,  the  victims  left  at  last  to 
die  abandoned,  was  a  crushing,  hopeless  grief  to  his  knightly 
souL 

The  close  of  his  career  carried  on  the  fatality  of  its  begin- 
ning. He  seems  never  to  have  married,  and  to  have  lost  in 
quick  succession,  soon  after  the  queen's  death,  his  dearest 
friends :  his  father,  to  whom  he  was  deeply  attached,  his 
mother,  sister,  and  his  best  friend,  Baron  Taube.  For  some 
years  he  lived  a  private  life  and  travelled  about  Europe, 
always  with  a  certain  bitterness  in  his  heart  against  Duke 
Charles,  the  Regent  of  Sweden,  for  his  desertion  of  the  King 
and  Queen  of  France.  In  November,  1796,  the  young  king's 
minority  came  to  an  end,  and  he  soon  after  appointed  his 
father's  friend  to  be  his  ambassador  at  the  Congress  of 
Rastadt.  The  French  Republic  refused  to  recognize  Count 
Fersen,  and  the  king  then  sent  him  to  arrange  his  marriage 
with  the  granddaughter  of  the  Grand-duke  of  Baden. 
This  mission,  however,  did  not  prevent  him  from  attending 
in  a  private  capacity  the  conferences  of  the  Congress. 

In  1801  he  was  made  Grand-Marshal  of  Sweden,  and  a 
year  later,  lieutenant-generaL  In  1805,  when  the  King  of 
Sweden  suddenly  resolved  to  take  an  active  part  in  the  war 
against  France,  Count  Fersen  accompanied  him  through  the 
campaign  of  that  year  in  Swedish  Pomerania.  It  is  to  his 
honour  that  he  opposed  the  continuation  of  the  war  after  it 
became  useless  through  the  peace  made  by  Russia  and  Prus- 
sia, the  king's  allies.  His  letters  to  the  king  on  this  subject, 
a  few  of  which  have  been  published,  show  his  attachment  to 
the  welfare  of  his  country ;  but  they  offended  the  king,  who 
ordered  him  to  return  to  Sweden  and  remain  there  as 
chamberlain  to  the  queen. 

After  the  dethronement  of  Gustavus  IV.,  the  exclusion  of 


346  DIARY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  [chap.  xi. 

his  descendants  from  the  throne,  and  the  accession  of  the 
late  regent  as  Charles  XIII.,  the  question  of  the  succession 
to  the  throne  led  to  political  dissensions  and  public  riots. 
Count  Fersen  was  considered  a  partisan  of  the  young  son  of 
Gustavus  IV.,  and  on  the  occasion  of  a  great  public  proces- 
sion, which  he  was  conducting  as  Grand  Marshal  of  Sweden, 
he  was  dragged  from  his  carriage  and  murdered  by  the 
populace,  on  the  fatal  date,  to  him,  of  June  20th  in  the  year 
1810, —  nineteen  years  after  the  flight  to  Varennes.] 


APPENDIX  I. 


Count  Fersen  to  Baron  Taube. 

Aix-la-Chapelle,  November  19, 1792. 

My  dear  Friend,  —  What  an  epoch  is  this  we  live  in  !  it  seems 
as  if  Providence  were  accumulating  fatal  blows  to  crush  that  good 
and  most  unfortunate  family ;  my  soul  is  torn  in  a  thousand  ways. 
You  were  already  in  despair,  my  friend,  at  the  retreat  of  the  Duke  of 
Brunswick ;  well,  you  will  be  still  more  so  when  you  learn  that  the 
Austrians  have  thought  themselves  obliged  to  abandon  the  Low 
Countries  on  the  approach  of  Dumouriez  and  a  mob  of  bandits, 
thieves,  and  rebels.  It  is  a  horror  to  think  of;  especially  when  we 
know  it  is  to  the  weakness,  imbecility,  lack  of  energy  in  the  govern- 
ment and  Duke  Albert,  who  commanded  the  army,  that  we  owe 
this  disaster  —  for  the  troops  are  excellent ;  they  did  prodigies  of 
valour,  but  were  badly  led.  The  Wallons  fought  well,  and  were 
faithful  until  the  moment  when  they  saw  that  Brussels  and  the 
whole  country  was  about  to  be  abandoned;  then  only  did  the 
majority  depart;  after  which  fear  seized  every  one,  each  thought 
only  of  saving  himself,  and  everything  was  abandoned;  cannon, 
magazines :  nothing  was  carried  away ;  all  was  left  to  fall  into  the 
hands  of  the  French. 

The  country  was  not  in  a  bad  state ;  there  has  been  but  one  at- 
tempt at  revolt,  and  that,  a  very  slight  one  at  Antwerp,  was 
smothered  by  the  burghers  themselves  ;  no  one,  except  the 
canaille,  wanted  the  French;  they  have  seen  too  much  of  the 
individual  misery  in  France  to  wish  to  follow  their  example ;  but 
the  Austrian  government  basely  fled  and  abandoned  them :  it  is 
horrifying.  Imagine,  my  friend,  that  at  Mons,  when  Duke  Albert 
at  last  decided,    but   too  late,   to  attack,  General  Beaulieu  was 

sent  with  six  thousand  men  to  attack  seventy  thousand ;  he  forced 
Ver.  8  23  Mem. 


348  APPENDIX  I.  [1792 

them  to  give  way,  but  the  rest  of  the  Austrian  army  did  not  sup- 
port him,  and  he  was  obliged  to  retreat  to  his  position.  I  cannot 
begin  to  tell  you  the  many  little  facts  of  this  nature  of  which  I 
have  knowledge ,  briefly,  the  result  of  such  multiplied  follies  is  the 
retreat  of  the  Austrians.  Duke  Albert  has  resigned  the  com- 
mand; Generals  Clerfayt  and  Beaulieu  have  accepted  it,  after 
much  entreaty. 

The  princes  and  emigres  are  at  Liege  in  a  deplorable  condition, 
without  money,  without  resources,  in  the  greatest  misery,  without 
knowing  whether  the  Powers  will  help  them  out  of  it  or  not.  The 
whole  of  this  neighbourhood  is  disaffected,  and  awaits  the  arrival  of 
the  French  to  declare  itself.  The  French  maxims  of  liberty  and 
equality  are  gaining  ground  in  the  Electorates;  in  short,  my 
friend,  if  the  sovereigns  do  not  feel  their  own  interests,  and 
league  together  to  stop  the  evil  by  crushing  it  now,  they  will  all 
be  its  victims.  There  will  soon  be  neither  kings  nor  nobles,  and 
all  countries  will  experience  the  horrors  to  which  France  is  now  a 
victim ;  to  exist,  and  save  enough  to  exist  upon,  a  man  must  make 
himself  a  Jacobin.  If  you  can  procure  the  reading  of  my  letters 
to  the  duke-regent  you  will  see  all  the  details  of  present  events. 
We  have  no  detailed  news  from  Paris.  They  are  busy  with  the 
king's  trial;  but  there  is  reason  to  think  he  will  not  be  executed, 
though  certainly  condemned.  It  is  dreadful  to  me  to  write  of 
such  horrors,  and  I  am  cruelly  tried. 

I  left  Brussels  on  the  9th  with  Simolin  and  Crawford.  We 
had  our  own  horses  and  others  that  we  hired ;  we  reached  Maes- 
tricht  on  the  11th  with  great  difficulty,  finding  little  to  eat  and 
nowhere  to  sleep.  It  was  one  long  string  of  carriages  and  waggons 
the  whole  way,  and  never  was  there  a  more  painful  sight :  those 
unfortunate  French  emigres  on  foot,  or  in  carts,  along  the  whole 
road,  with  scarcely  anything  to  eat;  women  of  condition  on  foot, 
with  their  maids,  or  quite  alone,  carrjdng  bundles  in  their  arms  or 
their  babies !  At  Maestricht  we  had  great  trouble  in  getting  any 
shelter;  eleven  thousand  persons  had  arrived  in  three  days.  We 
remained  four  days,  and  on  the  16th  came  here.  We  shall  stay  a 
short  time  and  then,  as  MM.  Metternich,  Simolin,  Mercy,  and  de 
Breteuil  are  going  to  Dusseldorf,  I  shall  go  too ;  so  will  Simolin ;  and 
I  hope  that  Crawford  will  decide  to  settle  there  with  us.     Among 


1793]  APPENDIX  n. 

my  other  troubles  I  fear  that  I  shall  soon  have  private  embarrass- 
ments as  to  money.  All  my  property  in  Paris  is  sold,  or  is  to 
be ;  that  which  I  have  left  in  the  Low  Countries,  in  care  of  a 
gentleman,  will  probably  be  pillaged  by  the  French.  I  could  not 
bring  away  with  me  all  that  I  had  in  Brussels,  and  I  know  not 
yet  whether  I  can  recover  it  or  whether  it  is  taken.  You  know, 
my  friend,  that  I  have  never  had  one  penny  of  salary ;  I  desired 
none ;  the  pleasure  of  serving  my  king  and  the  King  of  France 
was  ample  compensation  for  my  sacrifices  ;  but  my  position  is  be- 
coming prolonged ;  my  prospects  are  very  uncertain ;  this  removal 
has  cost  me  enormously,  and  I  have  sacrificed  much  money  on 
couriers,  etc.,  etc.,  for  which  no  one  can  repay  me.  God  knows 
I  regret  nothing,  and  if,  in  the  end,  I  can  feel  that  I  have  been 
useful  to  them,  I  shall  never  regret  anything ;  I  vow  myself  wil- 
lingly to  all  privations.  I  shall  calculate,  when  I  am  rather  more 
tranquil,  what  still  remains  to  me,  and  then  I  shall  see  what  I  can 
do.  I  have  made  arrangements  to  have  my  letters  sent  to  me 
from  Brussels,  but  for  the  last  few  days  none  have  reached  me; 
that  is  still  another  privation  and  sorrow. 


APPENDIX  II. 

The  Archbishop  of  Tours  to  Count  Fersen. 

[Extract  of  a  letter  from  Paris.']  January  27, 1793. 

On  the  21st,  at  half-past  nine  in  the  morning,  the  king  came 
out  of  the  Temple,  escorted  by  four  hundred  cavalry  and  twelve 
hundred  infantry. 

He  was  driven,  in  the  midst  of  profound  silence,  along  the 
boulevards  du  Temple,  Saint-Martin,  and  Saint-Honor^  to  the 
scaffold  erected  on  the  Place,  formerly  Louis  XV.,  now  called 
"  Revolution,"  between  the  spot  where  the  statue  stood  and  the 
entrance  to  the  Champs- l£lyse"es. 

On  the  back  seat  of  the  carriage  and  to  left  of  the  king,  was 


350  APPENDIX  II.  [1793 

his  confessor,  an  Irish  priest;  on  the  front  seat  were  two  officers 
of  the  gendarmerie. 

On  reaching  the  foot  of  the  scaffold,  the  king,  with  great  cool- 
ness, allowed  them  to  tie  his  hands ;  he  then  mounted  with  much 
courage. 

He  wished  to  speak  to  the  people ;  hut  the  noise  of  the  drums 
stifled  his  voice.  Nevertheless,  those  who  were  near  the  scaffold 
heard  these  words,  said  in  a  firm  voice :  "  I  pardon  my  enemies, 
and  I  desire  that  my  death  may  he  the  salvation  of  France." 

He  drew  his  last  breath  at  ten  and  three  quarters ;  his  fallen 
head  was  shown  to  the  people.  At  the  same  moment  the  air 
resounded  with  cries  of  "  Vive  la  nation !  Vive  la  re'publique 
Franchise  !  " 

Several  of  the  volunteers  steeped  their  pikes  in  his  hlood ; 
others  their  handkerchiefs. 

His  body  and  his  head  were  brought  and  buried  in  the  Made- 
leine. 

The  Archbishop  of  Tours  has  the  honour,  in  conformity  with 
the  wish  of  Monsieur  le  Comte  de  Fersen,  to  send  him  the  sad  and 
horrible  details  of  the  atrocious  crime,  which  would  forever  dis- 
honour the  French  name  were  it  not  disavowed  by  those,  in  very 
great  numbers,  who  are  still  worthy  to  bear  it. 

Letters  from  Paris  are  absolutely  silent  as  to  the  rest  of  the 
royal  family. 

Sunday  evening. 


INDEX. 


Albert  (Archduke),  commanding  the 
Austrian  troops  in  the  Low  Conn- 
tries,  265;  291. 

Ai.mack's,  10,  11. 

Andre  (John,  Major),  31-33. 

Arnold  (Benedict,  General),  31,  32. 

Artois  (Comte  d'),  Charles  X.,  8,  18, 
72,  106,  110-112,  119,  120,  122,  126, 
130,  132,  140. 

Arville  (Duchesse  d'),  6,  8. 


Barnavb  (Antoine- Pierre-Joseph- Ma- 
rie), 234,  240,  242. 

Bergstedt  (M.),  Charge'  d'affaires 
from  Sweden,  his  account  of  attack 
on  the  Tnileries,  June  20,  1792,  324- 
326. 

Bezenval  (Baron  de),  18. 

Boufflers  (Comtesse  de),  11,  12. 

Bocille  (Marquis  de),  85,  88,  91,  96, 
97,  99,  102,  104,  107-109;  113,  114. 

Breteuil  (Baron  de),  confidential  en- 
voy of  Louis  XVI.  to  the  Foreign 
Powers,  85,  87,  97,  105,  140,  141, 171, 
182,  192,  235,  251 ;  his  efforts  to  save 
the  royal  family,  262  et  seq. ;  his  opin- 
ion of  Pitt,  286. 

Brionne  (Comtesse  de),  6. 

Brunswick  (Duke  of),  219,  222,  267, 
271  ;  his  incapacity,  278,  279. 


Calonne  (Charles-Alexandre  de),  111, 
112,  119,  123,124,  151,  177. 

Catherine  II.  (Empress  of  Russia), 
joins  Gustavus  III.  in  proposing  a 
descent  on  Normandy  to  rescue  the 


King  and  Queen  of  France,  1 19,  129 ; 
proposes  a  congress  to  Emperor  Leo- 
pold, 135 ;  urges  the  emperor  to  act, 
137,  151,  154,  155,  188,  199,  236. 

Chastellcx  (Francois-Jean,  Chevalier 
de),  23. 

Cboiseul  (Ducde),  12,113  ;  gives  Fer- 
sen  an  account  of  the  10th  of  August, 
1792,  and  of  the  failure  at  Varennes, 
271-277. 

Clinton  (Sir  George),  25,  52. 

Coblentz  (Comte  de),  131,  137. 

Conde  (the  Prince  de),  72,  98,  99,  106. 

Cornwallis  (Charles,  Lord),  27,  37, 
41-43 ;  surrender  at  Yorktown,  52-53. 

Crawford  (Mr.),  120,  121,  124,  175, 
242,262,  281,284. 

Cbectz  (Count),  Swedish  ambassador, 
5,  6;  letters  to  Gustavus  III.  about 
Count  Fersen,  271-277. 


Deffand  (Marquise  du),  7,  12. 

Drodet  (post-master  at  Varennes) ; 
Fersen  sees  him,  a  prisoner,  298,  299. 

Dchocribz  (Charles-Francois,  Gen- 
eral), commanding  French  army  to 
the  Low  Countries,  270 ;  victory  at 
Jemmapes,  279,  286  ;  negotiates  with 
Prince  of  Coburg,  proposes  to  march 
on  Paris  and  rescue  queen  and  family, 
287  ;  his  army  revolts  against  him, 
288;  interview  with  Count  Fersen, 
289-291. 


Elgin  (Lord),  British  minister  in  Brus- 
sels, 268,  269,  270,  271,281. 


352 


INDEX. 


Elisabeth  (Madame)   de  France,  93, 

117,      175,     182,      240,      300,      325, 

326. 
Emigration   (the  French),  beginning 

of  it,  72 ;  effect  on  the  €migr€s  of  the 

king's  death,  285. 
England  (George  III.,  King  of;,  10; 

letter  to  King  of  Sweden  promising 

neutrality  in  affairs  of  France,  151, 

155,  156,  190. 
England  (Charlotte,  Queen  of),  10. 
Estaing  (Amiral  Comte  d'),  22. 


Fac-similes  of  Marie  Antoinette's  writ- 
ing, 223-227. 

Fayette  (Marie-Jean-Paul-Koch- Yves- 
Gilbert-Motier,  Marquis  de  la),  30,  81, 
92-94,  115,  263-265. 

Federation  (the  Fete  of)  made  ridicu- 
lous and  indecent,  82,  83. 

Fersen  (Frederick  Axel,  Field  Mar- 
shal), letters  of  his  son  to  him  from 
America,  21-64;  the  same  on  the 
political  aspects  of  France,  65-90; 
on  Count  Axel's  resolution  to  devote 
himself  to  the  King  and  Queen  of 
France,  84,  85 ;  at  and  after  the 
King's  attempt  to  escape,  114,  115. 

Fersen  (Jean  Axel,  Count),  his  diary 
and  papers,  1 ;  birth,  parentage,  and 
education,  2,  3  ;  extracts  from  diary, 
3-12;  visits  Voltaire  at  Ferney,  5; 
visit  to  Paris,  the  French  Court, 
5-9;  visit  to  London,  10,  11;  de- 
sires a  military  career,  11  ;  second 
visit  to  Paris,  12-14;  the  courtiers 
jealous  of  the  queen's  regard  for 
him,  his  discretion,  13 ;  desires  to 
aid  the  Americans  in  their  struggle 
for  independence,  19;  is  appointed 
aide-de-camp  to  the  Comte  de  Ro- 
chambeau,  20 ;  sails  from  Brest,  May 
4,  1780;  letters  to  his  father  from 
America,  21-64;  return  to  France; 
honours;  Washington  bestows  the 
Order  of  Cincinnatus  upon  him,  65  ; 
confidential  mission  to  the  French 
Court,  66-68;  letters  to  his  father 
and  King  of  Sweden  on  the  political 


aspects  of  France  at  the  beginning  of 
the  Revolution,  65-90  ;  devotes  him- 
self in  gratitude  to  the  King  and 
Queen  of  France,  84,  85  ;  memorial  to 
the  king  and  queen  as  to  their  course 
of  action,  86-89  ;  the  king's  adopted 
course,  90;  makes  preparations  for 
the  king  and  family  to  leave  Paris, 
96-114;  the  safe  escape,  114,  115, 
117  ;  the  stoppage  at  Varennes,  115  ; 
Fersen's  despair,  117;  begins  his 
efforts  to  save  the  king  and  queen 
by  a  confidential  mission  to  Emperor 
Leopold  from  Gustavus  III. ;  gallant 
proposal  of  Gustavus  III.,  119-139 ; 
failure  to  rouse  the  emperor  to  action, 
138  ;  visits  the  princes  and  €migr€s 
at  Coblentz,  140;  efforts  to  obtain 
an  armed  congress,  141  ;  his  corres- 
pondence with  Queen  Marie  Antoi- 
nette begins,  144;  his  letters  to  and 
from  her,  164,  166,  168, 172,  173,  182, 
198,  205,  218,  229,  236,  238,  309,  311, 
313,  315,  316,  317,  318,  319,  321,  322, 
323,  324,  327,  328,  329,  331,  332,  333, 
334,  336, 337,  338, 339,  340,  342 ;  let- 
ters to  and  from  the  King  of  Sweden, 
151,  152,  153,  154,  160,  207,  233,  234, 
305 ;  letters  to  and  from  his  friend, 
Baron  Taube,  91-96,  98,  99,  100,  102, 
103,  110-112,  157,  161,  170,  232,  239, 
315,  318,347;  memorial  on  the  Eu- 
ropean position  of  the  king  and  queen 
addressed  by  Fersen  to  the  queen, 
186-198  ;  diary  from  January  1, 1792, 
to  November  18, 1793,  242-303  ;  Fer- 
sen goes  to  Paris  to  induce  the  king 
and  queen  to  escape,  and  fails,  244- 
25 1 ;  confidential  remarks  to  him  by 
Louis  XVI.,  246, 305, 309  ;  interviews 
with  the  queen,  247-249  ;  distress  at 
the  death  of  the  King  of  Sweden, 
255  ;  begins  fresh  efforts  to  save  the 
king  and  queen,  262  et  seq. ;  receives 
news  of  August  10,  1792,  263-264, 
266,  267;  flight  of  the  Austrians 
from  Brussels  after  Jemmapes,  279- 
282,  347-349  ;  horror  at  the  death  of 
Louis  XVI.,  283  ;  renewed  efforts  to 
save  the  queen,  284, 293, 294-297  et  seq, 


INDEX. 


353 


to  end  ;  hopes  raised  by  Dnmonriez' 
proposal  to  dash  on  Paris  and  rescue 
her,  287  ;  instantly  disappointed,  288 ; 
sees  Dnmonriez,  289-291  ;  angnish  at 
the  queen 's  death,  300-303  ;  Carlyle 
mistaken  as  to  Fersen,  304 ;  his  after 
career  and  murder,  June  20,  1810, 
304,  345,  346. 

Gates  (Horatio,  General),  27,  33. 

Gogublat  (M.),  104,  108,  228,  322. 

Grasse  (Amiral  Comte  de),  defeat  of, 
56. 

Graves  (Admiral),  24. 

Gu8Tatus  III.,  King  of  Sweden,  sketch 
of  his  character,  2,  3 ;  his  Court,  11 ; 
gratitude  to  him  of  the'  King  and 
Queen  of  France,  1 10 ;  sends  Count 
Fersen  to  Vienna  to  negotiate  with 
Emperor  Leopold  a  plan  for  the  res- 
cue of  the  King  of  France  and  his 
family,  119;  progress  of  the  negotia- 
tion, 124-138;  its  failure,  139;  let- 
ter from  him  to  Louis  XVI.,  146 ; 
letters  to  Fersen,  151,  153,  154,  207; 
memorial  from  him  to  Louis  XVI., 
210;  letter  to  same,  211  ;  letters  to 
Queen  Marie  Antoinette,  212,  213- 
217  ;  his  ardour  in  their  cause,  189; 
his  gallant  efforts  to  save  them,  his 
death,  206;  letters  to  Fersen,  233; 
from  Fersen,  describing  his  visit 
to  Paris  in  February,  1792,  305- 
309. 

Hohenlohe  (General  Prince),  envoy  to 
Vienna  from  the  King  of  Prussia, 
133,  134,  138,  294. 

Holstein.    See  Stael. 

Jemmapes  (the  battle  of),  279. 

Kaunitz  (Wenzel  Anton,  Prince),  112, 

127-128. 
Klinkowstrom  (Baron),  great-nephew 

of  Count  Fersen,  edits  his  diary  and 

correspondence  relating  to  the  Court 

of  France,  2. 


Lamballk  (Marie-Therese-Louise  de 
Savoie-Carignan,  Princesse  de),  13, 
120,  142. 

Lauzcw  (Due  de),  19,  32,  35. 

Leijel  (Mile,  de),  14. 

Leopold  (The  Emperor),  86 ;  Count 
Fersen  sent  to  negotiate  with  him 
for  the  rescue  of  the  King  and 
Queen  of  France,  conversations  be- 
tween them,  119,  124-127,  129- 
132,  135-137,  138,  139,  191,  197; 
his  death,  206,  252,  253;  the  King 
of  Sweden's  opinion  of  him,  215, 
216. 

Lione  (The  Prince  de),  14,  19,  299. 

Ligke  (Prince  Charles  de),  killed, 
269. 

Locis  XV.,  5. 

Louis  XVI.,  as  dauphin,  6,  8 ;  asks  Fer- 
sen's  advice  on  his  situation  in  1791, 
85 ;  his  adopted  course,  90  ;  prevented 
by  National  Guard  from  going  to  Saint- 
Cloud,  93-95 ;  determines  to  leave 
Paris,  preparations  for  doing  so,  96- 
112,  116;  leaves  Paris,  113,  114;  his 
thanks  to  Count  Fersen,  116  ;  stopped 
at  Varennes,  115 ;  lacked  firmness 
and  head,  117;  sanctions  the  Consti- 
tution, 139 ;  vetoes  decree  against  the 
eJnigres,  142;  powers  given  by  him  to 
Monsieur  and  the  Comte  d'Artois, 
147  ;  sanctions  the  Constitution,  162, 
164,  166,  170,  171 ;  memorial  written 
by  him,  185;  goes  to  the  National 
Assembly,  220 ;  confidential  remarks 
to  Fersen,  246 ;  arraigned  before  the 
convention,  his  death,  283 ;  his  will, 
284. 


Marie  Antoinette  (danphine  and 
qneen),  Count  Fersen's  first  knowl- 
edge of  her  as  danphine,  6,  8  ;  a  de- 
scription of  her  at  that  age,  8  ;  Fer- 
sen's meution  of  her  kindness  to  him, 
12;  the  courtiers  jealous  of  it,  13; 
malignant  calumnies  against  her,  14  ; 
Sainte-Benve's  estimate  of  her,  14- 
19  ;  the  Prince  de  Ligne's  defence  of 
her,   14,   19 ;   forced    removal    from 


354 


INDEX. 


Versailles  to  Paris,  October  5,  1789, 
80 ;  Count  Fersen's  resolve  to  devote 
himself  to  her  and  the  king  in  their 
helpless  position,  84,  85 ;  his  memo- 
rial to  her  and  the  king  on  their 
course,  86-89  ;  attempt  to  go  to  Saint- 
Cloud,  93-95  ;  escapes  from  Paris, 
driven  by  Count  Fersen,  114-117  ; 
stopped  at  Varennes,  115  ;  her  condi- 
tion on  their  return  to  Paris,  120; 
her  letters  to  and  from  Fersen  till 
August  10,  1792,  164-342  (see  Fer- 
sen); letter  to  the  Queen  of  Spain, 
228  ;  forced  by  Barnave,  Lameth,  etc., 
to  send  a  false  memorial  to  the  em- 
peror, 234,  240,  242,  247 ;  her  account 
to  Fersen  of  the  return  from  Va- 
rennes, 247-249 ;  her  conduct  on  Au- 
gust 10, 274  ;  in  the  Temple,  285,  286  ; 
separated  from  her  son,  292 ;  taken 
to  the  conciergerie,  293 ;  her  trial, 
297 ;  her  death,  300 ;  her  suffering, 
301  ;  her  courage,  274,  302,  326. 

Maria  Christina,  Archduchess  of 
Austria,  Regent  of  the  Low  Coun- 
tries, 118,  218,256,  265. 

Marie-Therese  de  France,  240. 

Marck  (Comtesse  de  la),  7. 

Marck  (Comte  de  la),  16,  17,  141,  243, 
293,  294. 

Mercy  (Comte  de),  85,  87,  97,  121, 
140,  142,  160,  163,  165,  168,  197-200, 
201,  204,  235,  244,  251,  259,  268,  270, 
281,  294. 

Mettebnich  (Prince),  238,  256,  257, 
281. 


Narbonnb  (Louis,  Comte  de),  181,  203, 
222,  253,  259. 

Necker  (Jacques),  Fersen's  judgment 
on  him,  80,  82. 

Necker  (Anne-Louise-Germaine,Mlle.), 
Count  Fersen  thinks  of  marriage  with 
her,  66 ;  Mr.  Pitt  one  of  her  suitors, 
66 ;  marries  Baron  de  Stael-Holstein, 
67.    See  Stael,  Mme.  de. 

Newport,  Rhode  Island,  Count  Fer- 
sen's letters  to  his  father  from,  21- 
47. 


Orleans   (Due  d'),  Philippe  Egalite', 
his  faction,  93,  95,  258,  270,  289. 

Pamiers  (The  Bishop   of),    182,  200, 

252,  288. 
Pitt  (William),  suitor  of  Mile.  Necker, 

66;  attitude  to  the  royal  family    of 

France,  262,  269,  286. 
Polignac  ( "  Comtesse  Jules,"  Duchesse 

de),  17,  18,  130,  287. 
Provence  (The  Comte  de),  Monsieur,  6, 

114,  117,  118,  122,  176,  182,  267,  284, 

288,  289. 
Prussia,     133,     134,    138,     152,    153, 

157,   188;   letter  of   the  king  of   to 

Louis    XVI.,  230;    his  frugal   life, 

269. 


Ranelagh,  9,  10. 

Rochambeau  ( Jean-Baptiste  Donatien 
de  Vimeur,  Comte  de),  Count  Fersen 
appointed  on  his  staff  for  the  expedi- 
tion to  America,  20,  21,  22,  26,  30, 
40,  41,  45,   53,  62,  63,  255,  256,  258. 

Rodney  (George  Brydges,  Admiral), 
30,  58. 

Rougeville  (M.  de),  makes  an  effort 
to  save  the  queen,  301-303. 


Sainte-Beuve  (C.-A.),  his  estimate  of 
Queen  Marie-Antoinette,  14-19. 

Sardinia  (Charles  Emmanuel,  King 
of)  5. 

Simolin  (Baron),  181,  239,  244,  281, 
282. 

Spain  (Charles  IV.,  King  of),  letter 
from  him  to  King  of  Sweden,  149, 
187,  193,  194. 

Spain  (Queen  of),  letter,  to  her  from 
Queen  Marie-Antoinette,  205. 

Stael-Holstein  (Baron)  his  begin- 
ning and  rise,  66  ;  marriage  to  Mile. 
Necker,  difficulties  caused  by  her  in- 
fluence, 67. 

Stael  (Mme.  de),  181,  303,  259. 

Sullivan  (Mme.)  urges  efforts  to  save 
the  king  and  family,  261. 

Swiss  Guard  (The),  its  fidelity  and 


INDEX. 


355 


massacre    on    the   10th  of    August, 
1792,  273-275. 

Taube  (Baron),  Gentleman  of  the  Bed- 
chamber to  Gustavus  III.,  78,  88  ;  let- 
ters to  and  from  Fersen,  91-96,  98, 
99,  100-102,  103,  110-112,  157,  161, 
170,  232,  239,315,  318,  347. 

Thogot  (Baron),  251,  254. 

Tonus  (Archbishop  of),  sends  Fereen 
an  account  of  the  execution  of  Louis 
XVL  283,  349. 

United  States,  French  expedition 
under  Comte  de  Rochambeau  in  aid 
of  its  independence,  21-64. 


Vergennes  (Charles  Gravier,  Comte 

de),  21. 
Viomesnil  (Chevalier  and  Baron  de), 

23,  63,  143. 
Voltaire,  Count  Fersen's  visit  to  him 

at  Ferney,  4,  5. 

Washington  (General),  Fersen's  de- 
scription of  him  personally,  30 ;  his 
discovery  of  Arnold's  treachery,  31- 
32,  34,  36  ;  coolness  between  him  and 
Comte  de  Rochambeau,  40, 41. 

Yorktown,  the  siege  and  surrender 
of,  47-53. 


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